雅思閱讀時間不夠的原因分析以及應(yīng)對方法

1、雅思閱讀時間不夠的原因分析以及應(yīng)對方法 雅思閱讀考試如何充分利用時間!雅思閱讀考試時間是非常緊張的，下面給大家?guī)砹搜潘奸喿x時間不夠的原因分析以及應(yīng)對方法，希望能夠幫助到大家，下面就和大家分享，來欣賞一下吧。雅思閱讀時間不夠的原因分析以及應(yīng)對方法雅思閱讀的時間不夠主要源于兩個方面：一是*太長，二是題目涉及的信息點位置分散。對于第一個問題，需要在平時的備考過程中加強訓(xùn)練。這里面主要有兩個問題，一是閱讀速度慢，二是生單詞阻礙了閱讀的進度。閱讀速度慢的問題只有通過大量閱讀來解決。實際上，如果每天給自己一個規(guī)定的時間，在這一時間內(nèi)要求自己必須完成一定字數(shù)的閱讀，這樣天天練習(xí)，閱讀速度慢慢就會提高。很多

2、時候，閱讀的速度不夠快和大腦接受英語信息的速度有關(guān)系，當大腦需要將英語翻譯成漢語才能接受的時候，速度自然就慢了。因此，就需要平時養(yǎng)成英語的思維習(xí)慣，比較可行的辦法是自己在心里對著自己說話，碰到任何一件有意思的事情，就在心里默默地用英語描述。除此以外，也可以找一份與雅思閱讀難度相當?shù)挠⒄Z材料，每天大聲快速的朗讀，以此來訓(xùn)練自己快速接受英語信息的能力。應(yīng)對生單詞，則要有兩手準備：一是平時閱讀的時候多積累單詞、看見不認識的單詞，當時就記錄下來并且反復(fù)復(fù)習(xí);二是在考試中如果遇到了生詞，不要慌張，一般而言都不影響理解，將它當作一個認識的單詞就好，或者直接跳過去也未嘗不可。但是有時會有關(guān)鍵詞不認識的情況，

3、所以，解決這個問題根本還是在平日的積累。關(guān)于題目涉及信息分散的問題，主要通過做題技巧來彌補。通過瀏覽*之后，我們在心里應(yīng)該對*什么部分講什么有了一個大概的印象。這種印象是做題速度的根本保證。在這個基礎(chǔ)上，要掌握一些基本的技巧。首先，雅思的閱讀題的順序通常是與*相對應(yīng)的，就是說，前面的題目對應(yīng)*的前幾段，后面的題目對應(yīng)*的后幾段，有一定的對應(yīng)關(guān)系，這樣，在尋找信息的時候就更能有的放矢，不至于滿篇亂找。其次，雅思的閱讀題中，比較容易出問題的可能是判斷題和段落信息匹配題。判斷題要堅持一個基本原則，那就是*中沒有提到的堅決是not given。中國人的思維習(xí)慣，認為有所提及，但是沒有說到，應(yīng)該判斷為錯

4、(false或者no)，但是，在雅思考試當中，就算*所說內(nèi)容與題目有關(guān)，但沒有出現(xiàn)關(guān)鍵詞，也不能認為對。例如20xx年9月11日雅思a類考試第三篇*，判斷題中說行星上面可能有水，原文說的是行星被氫氣層所環(huán)繞。看起來二者相關(guān)，但是答案應(yīng)該是not given，因為并沒有提到跟水有關(guān)的東西，而題目所陳述的是跟水相關(guān)的情況。至于段落信息匹配題，就一定要找出關(guān)鍵詞，并和原文進行比對。對于相似的信息，就需要在信息之間首先加以比較，找出分歧的地方，再到*中去找。這樣，就能很容易地找出信息所在段落了全新雅思閱讀全真?？碱}:致命波動性volatility killsyou should spend about

5、 20 minutes on question 1-13 which are based on reading passage below.adespite gun battles in the capital of chad, rioting in kenya and galloping inflation in zimbabwe, the economics of sub-saharan africa arc, as a whole, in better shape than they were a few years ago. the world bank has reported re

6、cently that this part of the continent experienced a respectable growth rate of 5.6 percent in 20xx and a higher rate from 1995 to 2005 than in previous decades. the bank has given a cautious assessment that the region may have reached a turning point. an overriding question for developmental econom

7、ists remains whether the upswing will continue so africans can grow their way out of a poverty that relegates some 40 percent of the nearly 744 million in that region to living on less than a dollar a day. the optimism, when inspected more closely, may be short-lived because of the persistence of a

8、devastating pattern of economic volatility that has lingered for decades.b“in reality, african countries grow as fast as asian countries and other developing countries during the good times, but afterward they see growth collapses,” comments jorge arbache, a senior world bank economist. “how to prev

9、ent collapses may be as important as promoting growth.” if these collapses had not occurred, he observes, the level of gross domestic product for each citizen of the 48 nations of sub-saharan africa would have been a third higher.cthe prerequisite to prevent the next crash are not in place, accordin

10、g to a world bank study issued in january. is africas recent growth robust? the growth period that began in 1995, driven by a commodities boom spurred in particular by demand from china, may not be sustainable, because the economic fundamentalsnew investment and the ability to stave off inflation, a

11、mong other factorsare absent. the region lacks the necessaryinfrastructurethat would encourage investors to look to africa to find the next bengaluru (bangalore) or shenzhen, a november report from the bank concludes. for sub-saharan countries rich in oil and other resources, a boom period may even

12、undermine efforts to institute sound economic practices. from 1996 to 2005, with growth accelerating, measures of governancefactors such as political stability, rule of law, and control of corruptionactually worsened, especially for countries endowed with abundant mineral resources, the january repo

13、rt notes.dperhaps the most incisive analysis of the volatility question comes from paul collier, a longtime specialist in african economics at theuniversity of oxfordand author of the recent book the bottom billion. he advocates a range of options that the u.s. and other nations could adopt when for

14、mulating policy toward african countries. they include revamped trade measures, better-apportioned aid and sustained military intervention in certain instances, to avert what he sees as a rapidly accelerating divergence of the worlds poorest, primarily in africa, from the rest of the world, even oth

15、er developing nations such india and china.ecollier find that bad governance is the main reason countries fail to take advantage of the revenue bonanza that results from a boom. moreover, a democratic government, he adds, often makes the aftermath of a boom worse. “instead of democracy disciplining

16、governments to manage these resource booms well, what happens is that the resource revenues corrupt the normal functioning of democracyunless you stop (them from) corrupting the normal function of democracy with sufficient checks and balances”, he said at a talk in january at the carnegie council in

17、 new york city.fcollier advocates that african nations institute an array of standards and codes to bolster governments, one of which would substitute auctions for bribes in apportioning mineral rights and another of which would tax export revenues adequately. he cites the democratic republic of the

18、 congo, which took in $200 million from mineral exports in 20xx yet collected only $86,000 in royalties for its treasury. “if a nation gets these points right,” he argues, “its going to develop. if it gets them wrong, it wont.”gto encourage reform, collier recommends that the g8 nations agree to acc

19、ept these measures as voluntary guidelines for multinationals doing business in africa companies, for instance, would only enter new contracts throughauctions monitored by an international verification group. such an agreement would follow the examples of the so-called kimberley process, which has e

20、ffectively undercut the trade in blood diamonds, and the extractive industries transparency initiative, in which a government must report to its citizens the revenues it receives from sales of natural resources.hthese measures, he says, are more important than elevating aid levels, an approach empha

21、sized by economist jeffrey d. sachs ofcolumbia universityand celebrity activists such as bono. collier insists that first angola receives tens of billions of dollars in oil revenue and whether it gets a few hundred million more or less in aid is really second-order.questions 1-4use the information i

22、n the passage to match the people (listed a-c) with opinions or deeds below. write the appropriate letters a-c in boxes 1 -4 on your answer sheet.nb you may use any letter more than oncea jeffrey d. sachsb paul collierc jorge arbache1. an unexpectedly opposite result2. estimated more productive outc

23、omes if it were not for sudden economic downturns3. a proposal for a range of recommended instructions for certain countries to narrow the widening economic gap4. an advocate for a method used for a specific assessmentquestions 5-9do the following statements agree with the information given in readi

24、ng passage 1? in boxes 5-9 on your answer sheet, writetrue if the statement is truefalse if the statement is falsenot given if the information is not given in the passage5. the instability in economy in some african countries might negatively impact their continuing growth after a certain level has

25、been reached.6. collier is the most influential scholar on the study of volatility problem.7. certain african governments levy considerable taxes on people profiting greatly from exportation.8. some african nations decisions on addressing specific existing problems are directly related to the future of their economic trends.9. collier regards je