如何教育孩子奮發(fā)努力

1、如何教育孩子發(fā)奮努力IQ has been the subject of hundreds, if not thousands of research studies. Scholars have studied the link between IQ and race, gender, socioeconomic status, even music. Discussions about the relationship between IQ and race and the heritability of IQ (perhaps most notably Steven Jay Gould&

2、#39;s Mismeasure of Man) often rise to a fever pitch. Yet for all the interestin the study of IQ, there has been comparatively little research on other influences on performance in school.Angela Duckworth and Martin Seligman estimate that for every ten articles on intelligence and academic achieveme

3、nt, there has been fewer than one about self-discipline. Even so, the small body of research on self-discipline suggests that it has a significant impact on achievement. Walter Mischel and colleagues found in the 1980s that4-year-olds' ability to delay gratification (for example, to wait a few m

4、inutes for two cookies instead of taking one cookie right away) was predictive of academic achievement a decade later. Others have found links between personality and college grades, and self-discipline and Phi Beta Kappa awards. Still, most research on self-discipline has achieved inconsistent resu

5、lts, possibly due to the difficulty of measuringself-discipline. Could a more robust measure of self-discipline demonstrate that it's more relevant to academic performance than IQ？To address this question, Duckworth and Seligman conducted a two-year study of eighth graders, combining several mea

6、sures of self-discipline for a more reliable measure, and also assessing IQ, achievement test scores, grades, and several other measures of academic performance. Using this better measure of self-discipline, they found that self-discipline was a significantly better predictor of academic performance

7、 7 months later than IQ.How did they arrive at this result？ They studied a group of 8th-graders at the beginning of the school year. They used five different measures of self-discipline:the Eysenck Junior Impulsiveness scale (a 23-questionsurvey about impulsive behavior), the Brief Self-Control Scal

8、e (13 questions measuring thoughts, emotions, impulses, and performance), two questionnaires in which parents and teachers rated the student's self-discipline, and a version of Mischel's delay of gratification task. Students were given an envelope containing $1, and were told they could spen

9、d it immediately or bring it back in a week for a $2 reward. The students were also given an IQ test (OLSAT7, level G).At the end of the school year, students were surveyed again and several measures of academic performance were taken. The data included final GPA (grade point average), a spring achi

10、evement test, whether they had been admitted to the high school of their choice, and number of hours they spent on homework. All except two measures correlated more strongly to self-discipline than to IQ. Scores on spring achievement tests were correlated both to self-discipline and IQ, but there wa

11、sn't a significant difference. Duckworth and Seligman suggest that this could be partially due to the fact that achievement tests are similar in format to IQ tests. The other area where there was no significant difference was in school absenses.Most impressive was the whopping .67 correlation be

12、tween self-discipline and final GPA, compared to a .32 correlation for IQ. This graph dramatically shows the difference between the two measures:Both IQ and self-discipline are correlated with GPA, but self-discipline is a muchmore important contributor: those with low self-discipline have substanti

13、ally lower grades than those with low IQs, and high-discipline students have much better grades than high-IQ students. Even after adjusting for the student's grades during the first marking period of the year, students with higher self-discipline still had higher grades at the end of the year. T

14、he same could not be said for IQ. Further, the study found no correlation between IQ and self-discipline these two traitsvaried independently.This is not to say this study will end the debate on IQ and heredity.Thestudy says nothing about whether self-discipline is heritable. Further, the self-disci

15、pline might be correlated differently with achievement for different populations; this study covered only eighth graders in a relatively privileged school. Perhaps self-discipline has a different role at other ages, or in more diverse populations (though the study group was quite ethnically diverse

16、52% White, 31% Black, 12% Asian, and 4%Latino). Perhaps the most important question which remains is how best to teach children self-discipline or whether it can be taught at all.智商曾經(jīng)是成白上千的研究者的主題,學(xué)者們?cè)?jīng)致力于研究智商和種族,性別, 社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況,甚至音樂等之間的關(guān)系.有關(guān)智商和種族關(guān)系以及智商遺傳性的 討論也非常熱(可能最有名的是Steven Jay Gould的<關(guān)于人類的誤區(qū)&a

17、mp;gt;). 然而,所有對(duì)智商感興趣的研究中,有關(guān)智商在學(xué)校表現(xiàn)影響方面課題那么較少.Angela Duckworth 和Martin Seligman 估計(jì),有關(guān)智商和學(xué)業(yè)成就關(guān)系之間的 論文中,只有不到十分之一的文章提到了自身努力.即便如此,這些小比例關(guān)于自 身努力的研究也只是認(rèn)為它對(duì)成功有重要影響".Walter Mischel 和 colleagues發(fā)現(xiàn)二十世紀(jì)八十年代,四歲的孩子延長(zhǎng)快樂的水平比方手上有兩 塊餅十會(huì)等一會(huì)再吃掉他們,而不是先吃掉一塊再說成為了年后學(xué)術(shù)研究的對(duì) 象.而另外一些人那么發(fā)現(xiàn)了個(gè)性和學(xué)業(yè)成績(jī)之間,以及自身努力和大學(xué)優(yōu)秀生之 間的關(guān)系.很多關(guān)于自

18、身努力的研究出現(xiàn)了相互矛盾的結(jié)果,或者這要?dú)w罪于自身努力的難以量化.是否能出現(xiàn)一個(gè)更有說服力的證據(jù)：自身努力對(duì)學(xué)校成績(jī)的 影響大于智商？為了落實(shí)這個(gè)一問題,Duckworth 和Seligman對(duì)八年級(jí)生進(jìn)行了一項(xiàng)為期兩年 的調(diào)查,為了更可信,采用了很多自身努力的量化參數(shù),也測(cè)試了智商.學(xué)業(yè)成績(jī), 年級(jí)以及很多其他在校表現(xiàn).籍此,他們發(fā)現(xiàn),自身努力比智商更明顯的預(yù)言了學(xué) 生七個(gè)月后的表現(xiàn).如何得到這個(gè)結(jié)果的？他們從學(xué)年開始就對(duì)八年級(jí)學(xué)生進(jìn)行調(diào)查,使用了五項(xiàng)不 同的自身努力量化參數(shù):Eysenck初級(jí)沖動(dòng)數(shù)有關(guān)沖動(dòng)行為的23個(gè)問題,自我 限制系數(shù)關(guān)于思考,情緒,沖動(dòng)和表現(xiàn)的十三個(gè)問題,兩個(gè)問卷由老師和家長(zhǎng)評(píng) 定該孩子的自我修養(yǎng),還有一個(gè)Mischel的自我滿足測(cè)試任務(wù).給孩子們一個(gè)裝 了 1美元的信封,告訴他們可以馬上花掉它或者一個(gè)星后用它換2美元.同時(shí)也給他們做了智商測(cè)定.學(xué)年結(jié)束后,孩子們乂接受了調(diào)查,還拿到了他們的成績(jī)單