林肯競選總統(tǒng)的演講稿

1、美國總統(tǒng)林肯演講稿inaugural speech by abraham lincolnmarch 4th 1861speech：i do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.apprehension seems to exist among the people ofthe southern states that by the accession

2、of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearl

3、y all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that:i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inc

4、lination to do so.those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; annbre than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution whi

5、ch i now read:resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balancef power on which the perfection and endurance of our po

6、litical fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the

7、case isthere is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour. the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions:no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in conse

8、quence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that d

9、ifference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?aga

10、in: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the c

11、onstitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states?i take the officialoath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while

12、i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all,both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in havin

13、g them held to be unconstitutional.i hold that in contemplationof universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual. perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. it is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provi

14、sion in its organic law for its own termination. continue to execute all the express provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.again: if the united states be not a gove

15、rnment proper, but an association of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate it - break it, so to speak - but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?descending from these

16、 general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself. the union is much older than the constitution. it was formed, in fact, by the articles of association in 1774. it was matured and continued by the declaration

17、 of independence in 1776. it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778. and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was

18、to form a more perfect union.but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully possible, the union is less perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion canlawfully

19、 get out of the union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the united states are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.i therefore consider that in view of the constitution

20、and the laws the union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, i shall take care, as the constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, thatthe laws of the union be faithfully executed in all the states. doing this i deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and i shall perform it so far as pr

21、acticable unless my rightful masters, the american people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.i trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.the

22、mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the union. so far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. the course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience

23、 shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.t

24、hat there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it i will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, i need address no word to them.to those, however, who really love the union may i not speak?all profess to be content

25、 in the union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? i think not. happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. think, if you can, of a single instance in

26、 which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied. if by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if suchright were avital one. but suchi

27、s not our case. all the vital rights of minorities and of individualsare so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. but no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically appl

28、icable to every question which may occur in practical administration. no foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authority? the constitution does not expres

29、sly say. may congress prohibit slavery in the territories? the constitution does not expressly say. must congress protect slavery in the territories? the constitution does not expressly say. 篇二：林肯總統(tǒng)演講稿four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived

30、 in liberty, and dedicatedto the proposition thatall men are created equal.gettysburg addressabraham lincolndelivered on the 19th day of november, 1863cemetery hill, gettysburg, pennsylvaniabut, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannothallow this ground. the brave men,

31、living and dead, who struggled here,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. the world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget whatthey did here. it is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to thegreat task remaining before us; that from the

32、se honored dead, we takeincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measureof devotion; that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people by the people and for the people shall notperish from the earth.葛底斯堡演說亞伯拉罕林肯，1963年11月19日87年前

33、，我們的先輩們在這個大陸上創(chuàng)立了一個新國家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切 人生來平等的原則。現(xiàn)在我們正從事一場偉大的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，以考驗這個國家，或者任何一個孕育 于自由和奉行上述原則的國家是否能夠長久存在下去。我們在這場戰(zhàn)爭中的一個偉大戰(zhàn)場上 集會。烈士們?yōu)槭惯@個國家能夠生存下去而獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命，我們來到這里，是要把這個 戰(zhàn)場的一部分奉獻(xiàn)給他們作為最后安息之所。我們這樣做是完全應(yīng)該而且是非常恰當(dāng)?shù)?。?是，從更廣泛的意義上來說，這塊土地我們不能夠奉獻(xiàn)，不能夠圣化，不能夠神化。那些曾 在這里戰(zhàn)斗過的勇士們，活著的和去世的，已經(jīng)把這塊土地圣化了，這遠(yuǎn)不是我們微薄的力 量所能增減的。我們今天在這里所說的話

34、，全世界不大會注意，也不會長久地記住，但勇士 們在這里所做過的事，全世界卻永遠(yuǎn)不會忘記。毋寧說，倒是我們這些還活著的人，應(yīng)該在 這里把自己奉獻(xiàn)于勇士們已經(jīng)如此崇高地向前推進(jìn)但尚未完成的事業(yè)。倒是我們應(yīng)該在這里 把自己奉獻(xiàn)于仍然留在我們面前的偉大任務(wù)一一我們要從這些光榮的死者身上汲取更多的獻(xiàn) 身精神，來完成他們已經(jīng)完全徹底為之獻(xiàn)身的事業(yè)；我們要在這里下定最大的決心，不讓這 些死者白白犧牲；我們要使國家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使這個民有、民治、民享 的政府永世長存。篇四：林肯演講稿the gettysburg addressgettysburg, pennsylvanianovember 1

35、9, 1863four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicateto the proposition thatall men are created equal.but, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate we can not consecrate we can not hallow this ground. the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here