國際經(jīng)貿(mào)高級英語精讀第1單元課文翻譯及答案

1、國 際 經(jīng) 貿(mào) 高 級 英 語 精讀與翻譯 羅 漢 主編 劉漢華 協(xié)編內(nèi)容提要內(nèi)容提要 本書是國際經(jīng)濟學和國際貿(mào)易學專業(yè)英語精讀與翻譯教材。本書是國際經(jīng)濟學和國際貿(mào)易學專業(yè)英語精讀與翻譯教材。全書共有課文全書共有課文20篇，主要選自美、英等國出版的最新經(jīng)濟學篇，主要選自美、英等國出版的最新經(jīng)濟學專著和刊物原文素材，內(nèi)容極為豐富，涉及一般經(jīng)濟學理論、專著和刊物原文素材，內(nèi)容極為豐富，涉及一般經(jīng)濟學理論、國際金融、國際貿(mào)易、國際投資、企業(yè)管理、中國經(jīng)濟改革、國際金融、國際貿(mào)易、國際投資、企業(yè)管理、中國經(jīng)濟改革、中外經(jīng)濟關(guān)系等經(jīng)貿(mào)領(lǐng)域。同時，本書結(jié)合課文還配有詞組中外經(jīng)濟關(guān)系等經(jīng)貿(mào)領(lǐng)域。同時，本書結(jié)

2、合課文還配有詞組(包括專有名詞包括專有名詞)的解釋，短語、句子和段落的中譯英，以培養(yǎng)的解釋，短語、句子和段落的中譯英，以培養(yǎng)學生的閱讀和翻譯能力。頗具特色的是：本書配套了專業(yè)英學生的閱讀和翻譯能力。頗具特色的是：本書配套了專業(yè)英語的寫作訓練，以提高學習者的英語寫作能力；本書在每篇語的寫作訓練，以提高學習者的英語寫作能力；本書在每篇課文后還配了補充閱讀材料，它們與課文有很大的相關(guān)性，課文后還配了補充閱讀材料，它們與課文有很大的相關(guān)性，拓展了讀者的閱讀面和理解深度。本書內(nèi)容新穎、選材精當、拓展了讀者的閱讀面和理解深度。本書內(nèi)容新穎、選材精當、編排合理、重點突出，既可作為高等學校經(jīng)濟、貿(mào)易、金融、編

3、排合理、重點突出，既可作為高等學校經(jīng)濟、貿(mào)易、金融、管理等學科的專業(yè)英語教材，或作為任何涉外經(jīng)濟工作者的管理等學科的專業(yè)英語教材，或作為任何涉外經(jīng)濟工作者的英語自學課本，也可以作為準備和參加博士生專業(yè)英語英語自學課本，也可以作為準備和參加博士生專業(yè)英語(經(jīng)管經(jīng)管類類)考試的參考讀物?？荚嚨膮⒖甲x物。Unit OneKnowledge and Economic GrowthTEXT Starting as low-income economies in the 1960s, a few economies in East Asia managed, in a few decades, to br

4、idge all or nearly all of the income gap that separated them from the high-income economies of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Meanwhile many other developing economies stagnated. 一些東亞國家在20世紀60年代還是低收入國家，但是在短短的幾十年之間，他們成功地彌補了其與經(jīng)濟合作與發(fā)展組織（OECD）中高收入國家之間的差距；與此同時，也有許多發(fā)展中國

5、家的經(jīng)濟停滯不前。 What made the difference? One way to grow is by developing hitherto unexploited land. Another is to accumulate physical capital: roads, factories, telephone networks. A third is to expand the labor force and increase its education and training. But Hong Kong (China) and Singapore had almos

6、t no land. They did invest heavily in physical capital and in educating their populations, but so did many other economies. During the 1960s through the 1980s the Soviet Union accumulated more capital as a share of its gross domestic product (GDP) than did Hong Kong (China), the Republic of Korea, S

7、ingapore, or Taiwan (China). And it increased the education of its population in no trivial measure. Yet the Soviets generated far smaller increases in living standards during that period than did these four East Asian economies. 造成這種差距的原因是什么呢？發(fā)展的途徑之一便是開發(fā)未開墾過的土地；之二是積累實物資本，例如公路，工廠，電話網(wǎng)絡(luò)；之三則是增加勞動力數(shù)量并提高

8、教育培訓程度。但香港（中國）和新加坡土地資源稀少，他們確實在實物資本和國民教育上投資不少，但其他許多國家也是這樣做的。在20世紀60年代到80年代，前蘇聯(lián)每年資本積累所占GDP的比重要高于香港（中國）、韓國、新加坡和臺灣（中國），而且它在提高本國民眾的教育水平上也是不遺余力，但這一時期前蘇聯(lián)國民生活水平的提高卻遠遠落后于這四個東亞經(jīng)濟體。 Perhaps the difference was that the East Asian economies did not build, work, and grow harder so much as they built, worked, and

9、grew smarter. Could knowledge, then, have been behind East Asias surge? If so, the implications are enormous, for that would mean that knowledge is the key to developmentthat knowledge is development. How important was knowledge for East Asias growth spurt? This turned out not to be an easy question

10、 to answer. The many varieties of knowledge combine with its limited marketability to present a formidable challenge to anyone seeking to evaluate the effect of knowledge on economic growth. 也許差別在于：東亞國家在建設(shè)、管理和發(fā)展其經(jīng)濟方面，與其說他們是苦干了，不如說他們是巧干了。那么難道是知識支撐了東亞的崛起？如果真是這樣，那么其蘊含的意義將是深遠的，因為這就意味著知識是發(fā)展的關(guān)鍵因素知識就是發(fā)展。 知

11、識對東亞經(jīng)濟的快速增長有何重要意義？事實證明這是一個復(fù)雜的問題。各種知識與其有限的可銷售性相結(jié)合給人們帶來了巨大的挑戰(zhàn)，這就使得評估知識對于經(jīng)濟增長的作用變得極其困難。 How, after all, does one put a price tag on and add up the various types of knowledge? What common denominator lets us sum the knowledge that firms use in their production processes; the knowledge that policymaking

12、institutions use to formulate, monitor, and evaluate policies; the knowledge that people use in their economic transactions and social interactions? What is the contribution of books and journals, of R&D spending, of the stock of information and communications equipment, of the learning and know

13、-how of scientists, engineers, and students? Compounding the difficulty is the fact that many types of knowledge are accumulated and exchanged almost exclusively within networks, traditional groups, and professional associations. That makes it virtually impossible to put a value on such knowledge. 畢

14、竟，我們?nèi)绾尾拍軐ΨN類繁多的知識產(chǎn)品進行標價和合計？有什么共同標準使我們可以計算企業(yè)在其生產(chǎn)過程中使用的知識量；我們?nèi)绾斡嬎銢Q策機構(gòu)用了多少知識來制定、監(jiān)督和評估其政策？我們?nèi)绾斡嬎闳藗冇昧硕嗌僦R來從事經(jīng)濟活動和社會活動？書刊，研究與開發(fā)的支出，信息與通訊設(shè)備存量，科學家工程師和學生們的學習與技術(shù)能力等要素各自的貢獻有多大？更為復(fù)雜的是，許多知識實際上是在網(wǎng)絡(luò)上、傳統(tǒng)群體內(nèi)和學術(shù)組織之間積累和交流的。那就使評估這種知識的可能性更加渺茫。 Reflecting these difficulties in quantifying knowledge, efforts to evaluate th

15、e aggregate impact of knowledge on growth have often proceeded indirectly, by postulating that knowledge explains the part of growth that cannot be explained by the accumulation of tangible and identifiable factors, such as labor or capital. The growth not accounted for by these factors of productio

16、nthe residual in the calculationis attributed to growth in their productivity, that is, using the other factors smarter, through knowledge. This residual is sometimes called the Solow residual, after the economist Robert M. Solow, who spearheaded the approach in the 1950s, and what it purports to me

17、asure is conventionally called total factor productivity (TFP) growth. 考慮到量化知識的困難，人們通常都用了間接的方式來衡量知識在經(jīng)濟增長中的總效果。我們假設(shè)：凡是經(jīng)濟增長中那些不能被有形的要素（如勞動力和資本）所解釋的部分，都用知識來解釋。因為增長中不能由有形生產(chǎn)要素所解釋的部分計算中的殘差都歸功于要素生產(chǎn)率的提高；也就是說，我們通過知識更有效地利用了其它的要素。這種殘差有時被稱為“索洛殘差”，得名于經(jīng)濟學家羅伯特M索洛，他在20世紀50年代率先提出這一方法；這一方法所要度量的就是通常所稱的全要素生產(chǎn)力（TFP）增長。 S

18、ome also call the Solow residual a measure of our ignorance, because it represents what we cannot account for. Indeed, we must be careful not to attribute all of TFP growth to knowledge, for there may be other factors lurking in the Solow residual. Many other things do contribute to growthinstitutio

19、ns are an examplebut are not reflected in the contributions of t he more measurable factors. Their effect is (so far) inextricably woven into TFP growth. 也有人說“索洛殘差”是測量我們無知程度的工具，因為該殘差所反映的是我們無法解釋的內(nèi)容。事實上，我們確實需要明確一點；不要把全要素生產(chǎn)里的增長全歸功于知識。這是因為“索洛殘差”中也許還隱藏其它要素。許多其它要素也確實為經(jīng)濟增長作了不少貢獻，制度就是一個例子，它并不反映于其它更易度量的要素之中，

20、它們的影響（至今）難解難分地交織于TFP增長之中。 In early TFP analyses, physical capital was modeled as the only country-specific factor that could be accumulated to better peoples lives. Technical progress and other intangible factors were said to be universal, equally available to all people in all countries, and thus c

21、ould not explain growth differences between countries. Their contributions to growth were lumped with the TFP growth numbers. Although this assumption was convenient, it quickly became obvious that physical capital was not the only factor whose accumulation drove economic growth. A study that analyz

22、ed variations in growth rates across a large number of countries showed that the accumulation of physical capital explained less than 30 percent of those variations. The rest70 percent or morewas attributed directly or indirectly to the intangible factors that make up TFP growth (Table 1.1). 在早期的TFP

23、分析中，實物資本被模型為唯一的國別要素，只有它的集聚能帶來人們生活水平的提高。而技術(shù)進步和其他的無形要素被認為是世界性的、所有國家的所有人都可以利用的要素，這樣就導致我們無法解釋不同國家之間的增長差異，它們對經(jīng)濟增長的貢獻和TFP的增長數(shù)值被混在了一起。盡管這樣的假設(shè)是非常方便的，但是人們很快就發(fā)現(xiàn)；實物資本絕不是唯一能通過積累來帶動經(jīng)濟增長的要素。有一項研究，對一大批國家的經(jīng)濟增長率差異進行了分析，結(jié)果表明實物資本的積累只能解釋其中不到30%差異。而剩下的70%甚至更多直接或間接的應(yīng)歸功于由無形要素帶來的TFP的增長（表1.1）。 Later attempts introduced huma

24、n capital to better explain the causes of economic growth. A higher level of education in the population means that more people can learn to use better technology. Education was surely a key ingredient in the success of four of the fastest growing East Asian economies: Hong Kong (China), the Republi

25、c of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China). Before their transformation from developing into industrializing economies, their school enrollment rates had been much higher than those of other developing countries (Table 1.2). 后來的分析引入了人力資本以更好地解釋經(jīng)濟增長的原因。國民受教育程度越高就會有越多的人可利用先進的技術(shù)。教育肯定是東亞四個快速增長的經(jīng)濟體成功的一大關(guān)鍵因

26、素：它們是香港（中國）、韓國、新加坡、以及臺灣（中國）。在它們從發(fā)展中經(jīng)濟體變成工業(yè)化經(jīng)濟體之前，其入學率遠遠高于其他發(fā)展中國家 (表1.2) 。 They had also emphasized advanced scientific and technical studiesas measured by their higher ratios of students in technical fields than in even some industrial countriesthus enhancing their capacity to import sophisticated t

27、echnologies. Moreover, the importance of education for economic growth had long been recognized and established empirically. One study had found that growth in years of schooling explained about 25 percent of the increase in GDP per capita in the United States between 1929 and 1982. 同時它們還很重視先進科技的研究，

28、技術(shù)專業(yè)的學生比率甚至高于一些發(fā)達國家，由此這些國家輸入國外成熟技術(shù)的能力也就增強了。更重要的是，教育對于經(jīng)濟增長的重要性早已被事實和經(jīng)驗所證實。有一項研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，從1929年到1982年，美國人受教育年數(shù)的增長可以解釋大概25%的人均GDP的增長。 Adding education reduced the part of growth that could not be explained, thus shrinking the haystack in which TFP growth (and knowledge) remained hidden. Some analysts even co

29、ncluded, perhaps too quickly, that physical and human capital, properly accounted for, explained all or virtually all of the East Asian economies rapid growth, leaving knowledge as a separate factor out of the picture(Box 1.2). 在引入教育這個因素后，經(jīng)濟增長中不可解釋的部分減少了，于是TFP增長（及知識）的藏身之處也變小了。一些分析家甚至已經(jīng)總結(jié)說也許太快了點：經(jīng)適當運

30、算，實物資本和人力資本解釋了所有的或者說幾乎所有的東亞經(jīng)濟體的快速增長，而在整個框架中只留下知識這一獨立的因素。這些分析人員之所以得出TFP增長數(shù)值很低的原因之一，是他們把勞動力和設(shè)備的改進都融入了要素積累的計量之中。 One reason these analysts came up with low values for TFP growth is that they incorporated improvements in labor and equipment into their measurement of factor accumulation. So even their ev

31、idence of low TFP growth in East Asia does not refute the importance of closing knowledge gaps. Indeed, it shows that the fast-growing East Asian economies had a successful strategy to close knowledge gaps: by investing in the knowledge embodied in physical capital, and by investing in people and in

32、stitutions to enhance the capability to absorb and use knowledge. 所以即便他們得出東亞經(jīng)濟體TFP增長率低的證據(jù)，也并不否認縮小知識差距的重要性。它其實表明了這些飛速發(fā)展的東亞經(jīng)濟體運用了一個成功的戰(zhàn)略來縮小知識差距：一方面對體現(xiàn)為實物資本的知識進行投資，一方面對人員和機構(gòu)進行投資，以提高他們吸收和利用知識的能力。 Looking beyond East Asia, other growth accounting studies have examined larger samples of countries. Even wh

33、en human capital is accounted for, the unexplained part of growth remains high. One such study, of 98 countries with an unweighted average growth rate of output per worker of 2.24 percent, found that 34 percent (0.76 percentage point) of that growth came from physical capital accumulation, 20 percen

34、t (0.45 percentage point) from human capital accumulation, and as much as 46 percent(just over 1 percentage point) from TFP growth. 跳出東亞的圈子，其他一些關(guān)于解釋發(fā)展的研究選取了更多的國家來做樣本。這些研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，即使考慮了人力資本，經(jīng)濟增長中不能被解釋部分的比重仍然很高。比如有一項以98個國家為樣本的研究顯示，未加權(quán)的平均工人產(chǎn)出增長率為2.24%，其中只有34%（約0.76個百分點）來自實物資本的積累，20%（0.45個百分點）來自人力資本的積累，余下有多達4

35、6%（超過1個百分點）的比重全來自TFP的增長。 Even more remains to be explained in variations in growth rates across countries. The same study found the combined role of human and physical capital to be as low as 9 percent, leaving the TFP residual at a staggering 91 percent. To take another example：Korea and Ghana had

36、similarly low incomes per capita in the 1950s, but by 1991 Koreas income per capita was more than seven times Ghanas. Much of that gap remains unexplained even when human capital is taken into account (Figure 1.2). 而在各國經(jīng)濟增長率之間的差異上，不能被解釋的部分的比重甚至會更高。同項研究表明，人力資本和實物資本合一起最低的只能解釋9%的經(jīng)濟增長,TFP的殘差此時達到了驚人的91%。

37、另外一個實例是，在20世紀50年代，韓國和加納的人均收入差不多一樣低，但是到了1991年，韓國的人均收入是加納的7倍還多。即便考慮了人力資本的因素，這樣大的差距仍然有很大一部分不能被解釋。 All these results are subject to measurement problems. For example, the measured stock of human capital may overstate the actual quantity used in producing goods and services. High rates of school enrollme

38、nt or attainment (years completed) may not translate into higher rates of economic growth if the quality of education is poor, or if educated people are not employed at their potential because of distortions in the labor market. 所有的這些研究結(jié)果都受制于測量方法上的局限性。比如說，被計量的人力資本的存量可能夸大了實際用于制造產(chǎn)品和提供服務(wù)的人力資本數(shù)量。較高的就學率或

39、受教育程度（學習年數(shù)）不一定能轉(zhuǎn)化為更高的經(jīng)濟增長率,如果教育質(zhì)量很差，或者受教育的人在一個被扭曲的勞動力市場里不能人盡其用的話。 Moreover, it is now evident that education without openness to innovation and knowledge will not lead to economic development. The people of the former Soviet Union, like the people of the OECD countries and East Asia, were highly edu

40、cated, with nearly 100 percent literacy. And for an educated population it is possible, through foreign direct investment and other means, to acquire and use information about the latest production and management innovations in other countries. 而且現(xiàn)在人們都已經(jīng)意識到，如果缺乏對創(chuàng)新和知識的開放態(tài)度，這樣的教育也不會帶來經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展。前蘇聯(lián)的民眾同經(jīng)合組

41、織以及東亞的那些經(jīng)濟體的民眾一樣，具有很高的教育水平，有幾乎100%的識字率。對于這樣一個教育水平較高的民眾，通過外國直接投資或者其他的途徑，就有可能獲得和利用別的國家在生產(chǎn)和管理創(chuàng)新方面的最新信息。 But the Soviet Union placed severe restrictions on foreign investment, foreign collaboration, and innovation. Its work force did not adapt and change as new information became available elsewhere in

42、the world, and consequently its economy suffered a decline. (excerpted from World Development Report 1998/1999) 但是前蘇聯(lián)卻對外國投資、本國與外國的合作以及創(chuàng)新進行了嚴格的限制。當新的信息在世界上其他地方被利用的時候，前蘇聯(lián)的勞動力卻不能 及 時 地 適 應(yīng) 和 改 變 ， 這 便 導 致 了 它 經(jīng) 濟 的 衰 敗 。（節(jié)選自世界發(fā)展報告1998/1999）Exercises. Translate the following into English, using the word

43、s or phrases in the text:1. 對經(jīng)濟增長必不可少的實物資本的積累the accumulation of physical capital indispensable to economic growth2. 引進國外的先進設(shè)備和技術(shù)訣竅to import advanced equipment and know-how from abroad3. 占世界技術(shù)貿(mào)易總量90%的許可證貿(mào)易 license trade accounting for 90 per cent of the total volume of the worlds trade of technology

44、4. 經(jīng)濟發(fā)展中所反映出來的人力資本的匱乏5. 高科技對產(chǎn)業(yè)調(diào)整的重大影響the great impact of high technology on the adjustment of industries6. 推動經(jīng)濟增長的關(guān)鍵因素key factors driving economic growth7. 從一個農(nóng)業(yè)國向工業(yè)國的轉(zhuǎn)型 the transformation from an agricultural nation into an industrial onelack of human capital reflected in economic development8. 構(gòu)成全

45、要素生產(chǎn)率增長的有形和無形因素9. 隱藏在技術(shù)進步之后的教育系統(tǒng)的改善the improvement of educational systems lurking in technological progress10. 該產(chǎn)業(yè)中資本與勞動力的比率the ratio of capital to labour in this industry11. 增加勞動力數(shù)量并提高其教育培訓程度 expand the labour force and increase its education and trainingthe tangible and intangible factors making u

46、p the total factor productivity growth12. 研發(fā)部門在跨國公司經(jīng)營中的作用13. 一份對多國技術(shù)進步情況進行分析的報告 a study report analyzing variations in technical progress across a large number of countries14. 把計量和模型結(jié)合引入經(jīng)濟分析to incorporate quantity and models into economic analysis15. 發(fā)達國家和發(fā)展中國家在收入上的巨大差距great gap in incomes between d

47、eveloped and developing nationsthe role of the R&D department in the operations of multinational corporations. Translate the following sentences into English:1. 不少經(jīng)濟學家認為，像香港、新加坡這樣土地稀少的地區(qū)，其經(jīng)濟的快速發(fā)展應(yīng)該主要歸功于教育程度的提高。在此基礎(chǔ)上，經(jīng)濟學家們得出了結(jié)論：知識是這些國家或地區(qū)經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的主要因素。 (attribute to) Many economists attributed the ra

48、pid economic growth rate of some land-desiring areas, such as Hong Kong and Singapore, to the enhancement of educational levels of their populations. Based on this, they drew their conclusion that knowledge is the key to their economic development.2. 60年代，日本在從發(fā)達國家大量引進尖端技術(shù)和技術(shù)訣竅的基礎(chǔ)上，進行了大規(guī)模的經(jīng)濟擴張活動，使日本的

49、經(jīng)濟在短短的20年間迅速趕上了世界先進水平。(know-how) In the 1960s, on the basis of importing much sophisticated technology and Know-how from developed countries, Japan expanded its economy on a large scale, enabling its economy to keep up with the most advanced level of the world in a short period of 20 years.3. 新經(jīng)濟理論的

50、發(fā)展給統(tǒng)計學提出了許多課題，例如，高就學率并不意味著經(jīng)濟的高增長率，如果教育質(zhì)量很差，或受過教育的人們在一個扭曲的勞動力市場上不能人盡其用的話。(be employed at ones potential; translate into) The development of new economic theories has raised many subjects to statistics. For example, high rates of school enrollment may not translate into high rates of economic growth i

51、f the quality of education is poor, or if educated people are not employed at their potential because of distortion in the labor market.4. 1994年，在經(jīng)過長期研究之后，著名經(jīng)濟學家克魯格曼發(fā)表了一份對多國技術(shù)進步情況調(diào)查的報告。他指出，亞洲的經(jīng)濟不是建立在技術(shù)進步的基礎(chǔ)上，所以含有很多泡沫。3年后爆發(fā)的東南亞經(jīng)濟危機證實了他的猜想。(variations in technical progress) In 1994, after a long perio

52、d of research, the famous economist Krugman presented a study report analyzing variations in technical progress across a large number of countries. He said in the report that the economic development of Asia was not based on the progress of technology, so the economy contained much foam. Three years later, the sudden br