2000-2001年英語歷年考研真題閱讀翻譯(共14頁)

1、精選優(yōu)質文檔傾情為你奉上精選優(yōu)質文檔傾情為你奉上專心專注專業(yè)專心專注專業(yè)精選優(yōu)質文檔傾情為你奉上專心專注專業(yè)2001 Passage 1 Specialisation can be seen as a response to the problem of an increasing accumulation of scientific knowledge. By splitting up the subject matter into smaller units, one man could continue to handle the information and use it as th

2、e basis for further research. But specialisation was only one of a series of related developments in science affecting the process of communication. Another was the growing professionalisation of scientific activity. No clear-cut distinction can be drawn between professionals and amateurs in science

3、: exceptions can be found to any rule. Nevertheless, the word amateur does carry a connotation that the person concerned is not fully integrated into the scientific community and, in particular, may not fully share its values. The growth of specialisation in the nineteenth century, with its conseque

4、nt requirement of a longer, more complex training, implied greater problems for amateur participation in science. The trend was naturally most obvious in those areas of science based especially on a mathematical or laboratory training, and can be illustrated in terms of the development of geology in

5、 the United Kingdom. A comparison of British geological publications over the last century and a half reveals not simply an increasing emphasis on the primacy of research, but also a changing definition of what constitutes an acceptable research paper. Thus, in the nineteenth century, local geologic

6、al studies represented worthwhile research in their own right; but, in the twentieth century, local studies have increasingly become acceptable to professionals only if they incorporate, and reflect on, the wider geological picture. Amateurs, on the other hand, have continued to pursue local studies

7、 in the old way. The overall result has been to make entrance to professional geological journals harder for amateurs, a result that has been reinforced by the widespread introduction of refereeing, first by national journals in the nineteenth century and then by several local geological journals in

8、 the twentieth century. As a logical consequence of this development, separate journals have now appeared aimed mainly towards either professional or amateur readership. A rather similar process of differentiation has led to professional geologists coming together nationally within one or two specif

9、ic societies, where as the amateurs have tended either to remain in local societies or to come together nationally in a different way. Although the process of professionalisation and specialisation was already well under way in British geology during the nineteenth century, its full consequences wer

10、e thus delayed until the twentieth century. In science generally, however, the nineteenth century must be reckoned as the crucial period for this change in the structure of science. 專業(yè)化可被視為針對科學知識不斷膨脹這個問題所做出的反應。通過將學科細化，個人能夠繼續(xù)處理這些不斷膨脹的信息并將它們作為深入研究的基礎。但是專業(yè)化僅是科學領域內一系列影響交流過程的有關現(xiàn)象之一。另一現(xiàn)象是科學活動的日益職業(yè)化。 在科學領域

11、內，專業(yè)與業(yè)余之間沒有絕對的區(qū)分：任何規(guī)律都有其例外。但是“業(yè)余”這個詞的確具有特殊的含義，那就是所指的那個人沒有完全融入某個科學家群體，具體地說，他可能并不完全認同這個群體的價值觀。世紀的專業(yè)化的發(fā)展，以及隨之而來的對訓練的長期性和復雜性的要求，對業(yè)余人員進入科學界造成了更大的困難。特別是在以數(shù)學和實驗室訓練為基礎的科學領域，這種傾向自然尤為明顯，這可以通過英國的地質學發(fā)展過程得到證實。對過去一個半世紀的英國地質出版物進行比較，我們不但發(fā)現(xiàn)人們對研究的重視程度在不斷增加，而且人們對可以接受的論文的定義也在不斷變化。因此，在19世紀，局部的地質研究本身就可形成一種有價值的研究；而到了20世紀，

12、如果局部的研究能夠被專業(yè)人員接受，那么它越來越傾向于必須體現(xiàn)或思考更廣闊的地質面貌。另一方面業(yè)余人員繼續(xù)以舊的方式從事局部的研究。其整體的結果是使業(yè)余人員進入專業(yè)性地質學雜志更加困難，而審稿制度的全面引進使這個結果得到加強，這一制度開始是在19世紀的全國性雜志進行，進入20世紀后也在一些地方性地質雜志實行。這樣發(fā)展的必然結果是出現(xiàn)了針對專業(yè)讀者和業(yè)余讀者的不同雜志。類似的分化過程也導致專業(yè)地質學家聚集起來，形成一兩個全國性的團體，而業(yè)余地質學家則要么留在地方性團體中，要么以不同方式組成全國性的團體。 雖然職業(yè)化和專業(yè)化過程在19世紀的英國地質學界中已經(jīng)得到迅速發(fā)展，但是它的效果直到20世紀才充

13、分顯示出來。然而，從科學這個整體來看，19世紀必須被視為科學結構發(fā)生變化的關鍵時期。 2001 Passage 2 A great deal of attention is being paid today to the so-called digital divide the division of the world into the info(information) rich and the info poor. And that divide does exist today. My wife and I lectured about this looming danger twen

14、ty years ago. What was less visible then, however, were the new, positive forces that work against the digital divide. There are reasons to be optimistic. There are technological reasons to hope the digital divide will narrow. As the Internet becomes more and more commercialized, it is in the intere

15、st of business to universalize access after all, the more people online, the more potential customers there are. More and more governments, afraid their countries will be left behind, want to spread Internet access. Within the next decade or two, one to two billion people on the planet will be nette

16、d together. As a result, I now believe the digital divide will narrow rather than widen in the years ahead. And that is very good news because the Internet may well be the most powerful tool for combating world poverty that weve ever had. Of course, the use of the Internet isnt the only way to defea

17、t poverty. And the Internet is not the only tool we have. But it has enormous potential. To take advantage of this tool, some impoverished countries will have to get over their outdated anti-colonial prejudices with respect to foreign investment. Countries that still think foreign investment is an i

18、nvasion of their sovereignty might well study the history of infrastructure (the basic structural foundations of a society) in the United States. When the United States built its industrial infrastructure, it didnt have the capital to do so. And that is why Americas Second Wave infrastructure includ

19、ing roads, harbors, highways, ports and so on were built with foreign investment. The English, the Germans, the Dutch and the French were investing in Britains former colony. They financed them. Immigrant Americans built them. Guess who owns them now? The Americans. I believe the same thing would be

20、 true in places like Brazil or anywhere else for that matter. The more foreign capital you have helping you build your Third Wave infrastructure, which today is an electronic infrastructure, the better off youre going to be. That doesnt mean lying down and becoming fooled, or letting foreign corpora

21、tions run uncontrolled. But it does mean recognizing how important they can be in building the energy and telecom infrastructures needed to take full advantage of the Internet. 今天，人們十分關注所謂的是信息差異問題世界上信息資源豐富的地區(qū)和信息資源貧乏的地區(qū)之間的差異；這個差異確實存在，我和我妻子20年前就曾談及這個臨近的危險。然而，那時還不太明顯的是一些抵制信息差異的、新的積極因素。實際上我們是完全有理由感到樂觀的。

22、 一些技術上的因素使我們有理由期望差異會縮小。隨著互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的日趨商業(yè)化，上網(wǎng)普及對商家是有利的畢竟，上網(wǎng)人數(shù)越多，潛在的客戶就越多。越來越多的政府，惟恐自己的國家落后，紛紛推廣互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的普及。一二十年之內，全球將有一二十億人互聯(lián)。因此，我認為在未來的數(shù)年中，信息差異將縮小而不會變大。那是好消息，因為互聯(lián)網(wǎng)很可能成為我們消除所面臨的貧困的最強有效的工具。 當然，使用互聯(lián)網(wǎng)不是惟一消滅貧困的方法?；ヂ?lián)網(wǎng)也不是我們所擁有的惟一工具，但它卻有巨大的潛力。 要想利用互聯(lián)網(wǎng)，某些貧困國家必須克服對國外投資所持的過時了的反殖民的種種偏見。那些認為外國投資是對本國主權的侵犯的國家最好還是研究一下美國的基礎設施（社

23、會的基本結構基礎）建設歷史。當初美國建設自己的工業(yè)基礎設施時，缺乏必要的資金，因此美國的第二次浪潮基礎設施包括公路、港口，高速公路、港口城市等等都是用國外資金建造的。英國人、德國人、荷蘭人和法國人都在前英國殖民地投資。他們提供資金，美洲移民建造。想想看，現(xiàn)在誰擁有這一切？美國人。我想，在這件事上，像巴西或其他任何地方同樣也該這樣。你擁有的去建造第三次浪潮基礎設施（今天主要指電子基礎設施）的外國資金越多，那么你的情況就越好。這并不是說卑躬屈膝，任人愚弄，也不是對外國公司不加控制。但這的確意味著你已認識到外國公司對本國能源及通信基礎設施建設的重要性，這些基礎設施是充分利用互聯(lián)網(wǎng)所必要的。 2001

24、 Passage 3 Why do so many Americans distrust what they read in their newspapers? The American Society of Newspaper Editors is trying to answer this painful question. The organization is deep into a long self-analysis known as the journalism credibility project. Sad to say, this project has turned ou

25、t to be mostly low-level findings about factual errors and spelling and grammar mistakes, combined with lots of head-scratching puzzlement about what in the world those readers really want. But the sources of distrust go way deeper. Most journalists learn to see the world through a set of standard t

26、emplates (patterns) into which they plug each days events. In other words, there is a conventional story line in the newsroom culture that provides a backbone and a ready-made narrative structure for otherwise confusing news. There exists a social and cultural disconnect between journalists and thei

27、r readers, which helps explain why the standard templates of the newsroom seem alien to many readers. In a recent survey, questionnaires were sent to reporters in five middle size cities around the country, plus one large metropolitan area. Then residents in these communities were phoned at random a

28、nd asked the same questions. Replies show that compared with other Americans, journalists are more likely to live in upscale neighborhoods, have maids, own Mercedeses, and trade stocks, and theyre less likely to go to church, do volunteer work, or put down roots in a community. Reporters tend to be

29、part of a broadly defined social and cultural elite, so their work tends to reflect the conventional values of this elite. The astonishing distrust of the news media isnt rooted in inaccuracy or poor reportorial skills but in the daily clash of world views between reporters and their readers. This i

30、s an explosive situation for any industry, particularly a declining one. Here is a troubled business that keeps hiring employees whose attitudes vastly annoy the customers. Then it sponsors lots of symposiums and a credibility project dedicated to wondering why customers are annoyed and fleeing in l

31、arge numbers. But it never seems to get around to noticing the cultural and class biases that so many former buyers are complaining about. If it did, it would open up its diversity program, now focused narrowly on race and gender, and look for reporters who differ broadly by outlook, values, educati

32、on, and class. 為什么那么多美國人不相信自己在報紙上看到的東西？美國新聞編輯協(xié)會正試圖回答這個痛苦的問題。該組織正深深陷入一個長期的自我剖析過程，即新聞可信度調查項目。 遺憾的是，這次新聞機構可信度調查計劃結果只獲得了一些膚淺的發(fā)現(xiàn)，諸如新聞報道中的事實錯誤，拼寫或語法錯誤，和這些低層次發(fā)現(xiàn)交織在一起的還有許多令人撓頭的困惑，譬如讀者到底想讀些什么。 但這種對媒體的不信任有更深刻的根源。多數(shù)新聞記者都學著用一套標準的模式去看待世界，并把每天發(fā)生的事件納入這種模式。換言之，在媒介機構的新聞采編室文化中存在著一套約定俗成的寫作模式，為紛繁復雜的新聞報道提供了一個主干框架和一個現(xiàn)成的故

33、事敘述結構。 新聞記者和讀者之間存在著社會和文化方面的脫節(jié)，這就是為什么新聞編輯室的“標準模式”與眾多讀者的意趣相差甚遠的原因。在最近一次調查中，問卷被送到了全國五座中等城市及一座大都市的記者手中，然后隨機地給這些城市的居民打電話，問他們同樣的問題。 結果表明，與其他美國人相比，新聞記者更有可能居住在富人區(qū)，有女傭，有奔馳車，炒股，而他們去教堂，參加支援服務，扎根社區(qū)的可能性卻很小。 記者們往往屬于廣義的社會文化精英的一個部分，因此他們的工作往往反映了這些精英傳統(tǒng)的價值觀。讀者對新聞媒介令人震驚的不信任的根源并非是報道失實或低下的報道技巧，而是記者與讀者的世界觀每天都發(fā)生著碰撞。 這對任何一個

34、工業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)來說都算是爆炸性的形勢，對于一個正在衰落的行業(yè)來說尤其如此。這是一個棘手的行業(yè)，卻不斷地雇用觀點總體上使客戶惱怒的雇員。然后它又出資組織研討會和可信度調查項目，去探究為什么顧客們惱火了，為什么會有那么多人逃避新聞。但它似乎從來就沒回過頭來去注意那么多以前的顧客所抱怨的文化和階級偏見。如果它能注意這個問題的話，它就應該進一步開放其多樣化項目（這個項目現(xiàn)在還只單純考慮招收不同種族和性別的員工），進一步尋找那些世界觀、價值觀、教育水平和社會階層各不相同的各種記者。 2001 Passage 4 The world is going through the biggest wave of me

35、rgers and acquisitions ever witnessed. The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries with unsurpassed might. Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: Wont the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competiti

36、ve force? Theres no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful. Multinational corporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982. Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly. International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in e

37、conomies that open up and welcome foreign investment. In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms. This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic fir

38、ms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy. I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarge

39、d markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customers demands. All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers. As productivity grows, the worlds wealth increases. Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty. Yet it is hard to imagine that the

40、 merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the US, when the Standard Oil trust was broken up. The mergers of telecom companies, such as World Com, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pac

41、e of technical progress. On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast. In cars, too, concentration is increasing witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt. Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched. A

42、 few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry. Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Wont multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict

43、 about infringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of defending competition on issues that affect many other nations, as in the U.S. vs. Microsoft case? 世界正在經(jīng)歷一場前所未有的巨大的并購浪潮。這個浪潮從異?；钴S的美國席卷到歐洲，并以不可比擬的威力影響到正在崛起的國家。這些國家的許多人面對這個浪潮開始憂慮：“企業(yè)合并的浪潮會不會變成一股不可控制的反競爭的力量？”

44、無疑，大企業(yè)正在變得更大、更強。跨國公司在1982年只占有國際貿易不到20的份額。而現(xiàn)在，這個數(shù)字上升到25強，并且還在迅速上升。在那些對外開放并鼓勵外資的國家的經(jīng)濟中國際分公司在國民生產(chǎn)中成為一個快速增長的部門。比如，在阿根廷，經(jīng)過90年代初的改革之后，跨國公司在200家大型企業(yè)的工業(yè)生產(chǎn)中從43增加到幾乎70。這個現(xiàn)象造成了人們對小型企業(yè)和民族資本的作用以及世界經(jīng)濟的最終穩(wěn)定的嚴重憂慮。 我認為，推動這股巨大的并購浪潮的最主要的力量，也是推動全球化進程的力量，包括日趨下降的運輸與通訊費用，較低的貿易與投資壁壘，以及市場的擴大和為滿足市場需求而進行的擴大生產(chǎn)。所有這些對消費者來說都有益而無害

45、的。隨著生產(chǎn)力的提高，世界的財富也在增長。 目前證明這股合并浪潮是帶來利還是弊的實例并不多。但是很難想像當今的幾個石油公司的合并是否會重新造成約100年前美國標準石油公司對競爭造成的同樣的威脅，那時由于人們對該公司的這種擔心而導致了它最終的解散。像世界通訊這樣的通訊公司合并似乎沒有給消費者帶來更高的價格，或者降低技術進步的速度。相反，通信的價格在迅速下降。在汽車行業(yè)，合并也同樣在增加比如戴姆勒與克萊斯勒，雷諾與尼桑的合并但消費者看起來并未受到傷害。 但是合并運動必須受到嚴密監(jiān)視這個事實仍然存在。就在幾星期以前，格林斯潘對銀行業(yè)的巨大合并發(fā)出了警告。如果合并后如此巨大的銀行出現(xiàn)，誰來充當最終的借

46、貸者，發(fā)揮監(jiān)督、規(guī)范和運作的作用呢？當一個國家對破壞公平競爭的行為的處理過于嚴厲時，跨國公司會不會把它們的生產(chǎn)從一地轉到另一地呢？在那些將會影響許多其他國家的事情中，如美國政府與微軟公司的訴訟案，一個國家是否應該擔負起“保護競爭”的責任呢？ 2001 Passage 5 When I decided to quit my full time employment it never occurred to me that I might become a part of a new international trend. A lateral move that hurt my pride an

47、d blocked my professional progress prompted me to abandon my relatively high profile career although, in the manner of a disgraced government minister, I covered my exit by claiming I wanted to spend more time with my family. Curiously, some two-and-a-half years and two novels later, my experiment i

48、n what the Americans term downshifting has turned my tired excuse into an absolute reality. I have been transformed from a passionate advocate of the philosophy of have it all, preached by Linda Kelsey for the past seven years in the pages of she magazine, into a woman who is happy to settle for a b

49、it of everything. I have discovered, as perhaps Kelsey will after her much-publicized resignation from the editorship of She after a build-up of stress, that abandoning the doctrine of juggling your life, and making the alternative move into downshifting brings with it far greater rewards than finan

50、cial success and social status. Nothing could persuade me to return to the kind of life Kelsey used to advocate and I once enjoyed: 12-hour working days, pressured deadlines, the fearful strain of office politics and the limitations of being a parent on quality time. In America, the move away from j

51、uggling to a simpler, less materialistic lifestyle is a well-established trend. Downshifting also known in America as voluntary simplicity has, ironically, even bred a new area of what might be termed anti-consumerism. There are a number of bestselling downshifting self-help books for people who wan

52、t to simplify their lives; there are newsletters, such as The Tightwad Gazette, that give hundreds of thousands of Americans useful tips on anything from recycling their cling-film to making their own soap; there are even support groups for those who want to achieve the mid-90s equivalent of droppin

53、g out. While in America the trend started as a reaction to the economic decline after the mass redundancies caused by downsizing in the late 80s and is still linked to the politics of thrift, in Britain, at least among the middle class downshifters of my acquaintance, we have different reasons for s

54、eeking to simplify our lives.For the women of my generation who were urged to keep juggling through the 80s, downshifting in the mid-90s is not so much a search for the mythical good life growing your own organic vegetables, and risking turning into one as a personal recognition of your limitations.

55、 當我決定辭去自己的全日制工作時決沒有想到，自己竟成了一種新的國際性潮流的一分子。一次平級的人事調動傷了我的自尊心，并阻斷了我的事業(yè)發(fā)展，這促使我放棄自己地位較高的職業(yè)，當然，就像面子掃盡的政府部長那樣，我也掩飾說“我只想與家人更多的呆在一起”。 奇怪的是，大約兩年半的時間我寫完兩部小說后，我這個被美國人稱為“放慢生活節(jié)奏”的試驗，卻使我老掉牙的借口變成了現(xiàn)實。我已從一個“獲得一切”哲學（琳達凱茜過去七年中在她這本雜志所宣揚的）的狂熱支持者，變成了一個樂于接受任何東西只要一丁點的女人。 我已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)（由于壓力過大，凱茜已多次公開宣稱要辭去她雜志編輯的職務，在這之后她也許會有同樣發(fā)現(xiàn)），放棄“忙忙

56、碌碌”的生活哲學，轉而過一種“放慢生活節(jié)奏”的生活所帶來的回報，比經(jīng)濟成功和社會地位更有價值。什么也說服不了我回到過去那種凱茜所宣揚的、我也曾自得其樂的生活中去：每天12小時的工作日，壓得人喘不過氣來的最后期限，可怕而緊張的辦公室的爭權奪利，以及因為時間有限連做母親也得“高效率”所造成的種種限制。 在美國，擺脫忙碌，轉而過一種簡單、不大物質化的生活已成明確趨勢。具有諷刺意味的是，“放慢生活節(jié)奏”在美國也稱“自愿簡單化”甚至孕育了一個嶄新的、可稱之為反消費主義的生活方式。對于那些想簡單生活的人來說，有許多很暢銷的幫你輕松生活的自助書籍；有各種簡訊，例如省錢簡報，會給美國人提供成千上萬條有用的點子

57、去做事，從回收保鮮臘到自制肥皂；甚至還有一些幫助團體，幫人按90年代中期脫離傳統(tǒng)社會的人的生活方式去生活。 在美國，這種趨勢一開始是對經(jīng)濟衰落所做出的一種反應出現(xiàn)于80年代后期縮小經(jīng)濟規(guī)模所引起的大量人員冗余之后在英國，至少在我所認識的中產(chǎn)階級的簡化生活者中，這種趨勢仍被認為與節(jié)儉政治有關聯(lián)，雖然如此，然而我們有著不同的緣由去尋求使自己的生活簡單化。 對我們這一代女性來說，整個80年代我們曾被迫忙碌地生活，90年代中期的簡化生活與其說是尋求神話般的好生活自己種有機蔬菜以及冒險制造有機蔬菜倒不如說我們都認識了自身的局限。 2000 Passage 1 A history of long and

58、effortless success can be a dreadful handicap, but, if properly handled, it may become a driving force. When the United States entered just such a glowing period after the end of the Second World War, it had a market eight times larger than any competitor, giving its industries unparalleled economie

59、s of scale. Its scientists were the worlds best, its workers the most skilled. America and Americans were prosperous beyond the dreams of the Europeans and Asians whose economies the war had destroyed.It was inevitable that this primacy should have narrowed as other countries grew richer. Just as in

60、evitably, the retreat from predominance proved painful. By the mid-1980s Americans had found themselves at a loss over their fading industrial competitiveness. Some huge American industries, such as consumer electronics, had shrunk or vanished in the face of foreign competition. By 1987 there was on