東亞產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型【外文翻譯】

1、PAGE PAGE 6外文翻譯原文Industrial transformation in east asiaMaterial Source:IHDP Update Author:David P.Angel and Michael T.RockIn the rapidly industrialising countries of East Asia,urban-industrial growth has been accompanied by lowincomeinequality, increases in per capita income and significant declines

2、 in poverty and child mortality. This growth has also been accompanied by substantial increases in air and water pollution, resource degradation, escalating energy use,and attendant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Most analysts agree that declining environmental quality within the region is closely

3、tied to failures of policy and weakness of institutions. Where environmental regulatory institutions have been strengthened and well resourced, as, for example,in Singapore, Malaysia and Chinese Taipei (Taiwan), the result has been a reduction in industrial pollution, lan degradation and other envir

4、onmentally damaging processes.However, especially within the lower income economies in the region, incremental improvements in environmental regulatory policy typically have been over-ridden by the scale effects of increased production, consumption and resource use. In response to these challenges,

5、countries have begun to explore additional approaches to improving the environmental performance of industry, including the direct integration of economic and environmental policy within a framework of what has been labelled policy integration.In this article we report on research that seeks to docu

6、ment achievements in one particular form of policy integration,i.e., the integration of environmental concerns into the mandate of economic development agencies within the region.Nowhere in the world is the challenge of industrial transformation of greater significance than in the rapidly industrial

7、izing and urbanising economies of developing Asia. The share of industrial output in Asia increased from approximately 10% of global output in 1950 to 30% in 1995; its share is expected to reach 55% to 60% by 2025. Unless there are technological and other changes that reduce the energy, materials, w

8、ater and pollution intensities of industrial production, these absolute increases in industrial output will presage equally large increases in resource use and pollution.Energy use in developing Asia, including India and China, is predicted to increase from 84.5quadrillion BTU in 2000 to 177.9 quadr

9、illion BTU in 2020. GHG emissions in Asia are expected to more than double over the next 20 years. Sometime between 2015 and 2020, Asia will likely overtake the OECD countries as the largest source worldwide of GHG emissions. Understanding the factors that determine the rate of adoption by industry

10、of technologies that are less energy, materials and pollution intensive is thus a critical policy priority for East Asia and the other rapidly industrialising economies of Asia. Due to its openness to trade and investment and thepace of economic change, East Asia has emerged as a test case for putti

11、ng in place policies and institutional frameworks that harness contemporary processes of economic globalization with the twin goals of environmental improvement and poverty reduction.As within the OECD economies, the foundation of the policy approach towards improving the environmental performance o

12、f industry within East Asia is environmental regulation. During the 1970s and 1980s, many of the developing economies of Asia established an institutional framework of environmental laws and associated institutions of environmental monitoring and regulation. The resources available to these institut

13、ions, and the effectiveness of monitoring and enforcement of environmental laws, vary widely within the region. In many of the higher income countries strong institutions of environmental protection are in place. Traditional command and control regulatory policies have increasingly been supplemented

14、 by market-based policy instruments and by so-called third generation policy approaches based upon performance measurement and information disclosure. In an effort to improve the environmental performance of industry, several countries in the region have also turned to institutions that traditionall

15、y have not played a large role in environmental protection, including agencies of economic and industrial development. Policy makers are now attempting to internalise environmental considerations within the basic economic decision making of firms and industries, and within the policies of the econom

16、ic and industrial development agencies that bear primary responsibility for promoting industrial and urban growth. Interest in linking economic and environmental performance within agencies of economic development has a number of roots. First, agencies of economic development in many cases work clos

17、ely with firms and industries in efforts to improve technological and managerial capability. Second, economic development agencies have access to a wider range of resources and policy tools that can be brought to bear on improving economic and environmental performance, including policies related to

18、 investment approval, market access, facility licensing or land-use planning. Third, in contrast to the relatively weak position of many freestanding environmental regulatory agencies within developing Asia, economic and industrial development agencies typically are well resourced and have important

19、 positions of influence with respect to industrial and development planning in industrialising economies. Stated another way, economic and industrial development agencies are embedded in the economic process in the fundamentals of investment, technology development and trade in ways that nascent env

20、ironmental agencies typically are not. However, many observers suggest that the economic priorities of economic and industrial development agencies are in fundamental conflict with environmental improvement, and that efforts to integrate environmental goals into the mandate of these agencies is dest

21、ined to fail.Some of the earliest examples of policy integration are seen in the first-tier East Asian newly industrialized economies of Singapore and Chinese Taipei. Economic development agencies in both of these economies were heavily involved in strengthening industrial capacity, promoting techno

22、logy upgrading and developing firm-based capacities for innovation and improvement. These economies took a similar approach to improving the environmental performance of firms and industries in the region. In Singapore and Chinese Taipei, policy makers recognized that environmental success depended

23、on linking new environmental agencies with decision-makers in more powerful economic development and industrial promotion agencies. Close relations with those agencies proved critical in gaining support for environmental improvement in government and business and identifying cost effective abatement

24、 options as well as opportunities for lowering the energy, water and material intensities of production. Singapore gave its Ministry of the Environment (MOE) an important seat at the industrial policy table by linking the promotional decisions of its investment promotion agency, the Economic Develop

25、ment Board, and the infrastructure decisions of its premier infrastructure agency, the Jurong Town Corporation, to a requirement that firms receiving support meet the environmental requirements of the MOE. In Chinese Taipei, the Industrial Development Board (IDB) provided tax incentives to firms for

26、 the purchase of pollution control equipment. IDB also provided assistance to firms to engage in a global scan of best available technologies and encouraged firms to meet international industry best practice standards in environmental performance. It invested in the creation of a state-of-the-art re

27、search programme on the energy, water, materials and pollution intensities of Taiwanese industries in the Industrial Technology Research Institute (ITRI), the premier science and technology institute in Chinese Taipei.Figures 1 and 2 show two measures of air quality in Chinese Taipei for the period

28、1985-2001. The first indicator, small particulate matter (PM10), decreased from 96.62 micrograms per cubic meter in 1985 to 57.87 micrograms in 2001. The pollution standards index (PSI), which measures the percentage of days in which air quality rises above a PSI of 100, decreased from 13.72% of day

29、s in 1985 to 3.42% in 2001.Many factors contributed to this improvement, including a restructuring of the sectoral composition of industry, the movement of some high polluting industries out of the country, fuel switching, and tighter regulation of mobile sources of air pollution. A major contributo

30、r to the reduction in industrial emissions was the work of the IDB and ITRI in promoting the adoption of pollution control technology and subsequently a shift toward clean production. IDB funded detailed economic and engineering studies within key industrial sectors, such as cement, steel and textil

31、es, seeking to benchmark international best practice to identify cost effective technologies that would reduce resource and pollution intensities. One example of these policies is the improvement in water efficiencies in the paper industry in Chinese Taipei. Twenty years ago paper mills in Chinese T

32、aipei used approximately 100 tons of water in the production of 1 ton of paper.Today most paper mills use 10 to 15 tons of water per ton of paper, and IDB is working with industry to reduce water use to below 10 tons.One of the most significant efforts to integrate economic and environmental policy

33、in East Asia is the Model City programme in China. Building upon an earlier urban environmental indicators programme, the State Environmental Protection Agency in China has launched a programme that commits cities to achieving specific near term goals for up to 27 environmental parameters, ranging f

34、rom ambient air quality to treatment of hazardous waste. The key operational element of the Model City programme is the coordination of activities across the full range of economic and industrial development agencies within the city, under the direction of the mayor. In the coastal city of Quingdao,

35、 a key priority for the programme is the reduction of sulphur dioxide emissions from coal-fired boilers. Over the past three years the city has eliminated more than 2200 coal-fired boilers through a combination of factory closures, fuel switching, and tax and financing incentives.Given the rate of u

36、rban-industrial growth in developing Asia, improvements in environmental quality depend on securing dramatic improvements in the energy, resource and pollution intensity of economic activity on Industrial Transformation. In seeking to improve the environmental performance of industry, economies in t

37、he region are experimenting with a variety of alternative policy approaches that go well beyond traditional environmental regulation. These policy experiments offer the prospect that industrializing economies in Asia can take a different path to improving environmental performance from that pursued

38、by OECD economies over the past several decades. We are currently engaged in ongoing research that seeks to document the approach taken in these policy initiatives, as well as the results achieved in several East Asian economies.譯文東亞產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型資料來源：IHDP Update雜志 作者：大衛(wèi) P.安吉爾，邁克爾T.瑞克在東亞快速工業(yè)化的國家中，城市工業(yè)化的增長一直伴隨

39、著低收入不平等，人均收入增加以及顯著死亡率和貧困的下降。這種增長還伴隨著空氣和水的污染的大幅上升，資源退化，加劇了能源的消耗，以及隨之而來的溫室氣體（GHG）的排放。多數(shù)分析師認(rèn)為，減少環(huán)境質(zhì)量在一定的范圍內(nèi)是迫于政策的錯誤和體制的弱點。有些地方的環(huán)境監(jiān)管部門一直在加強和儲備，例如新加坡、馬來西亞和中國臺北（臺灣），結(jié)果一直是工業(yè)污染，局部惡化，以及其他環(huán)境問題的產(chǎn)生過程。然而，特別是在該地區(qū)的低收入經(jīng)濟體中，在環(huán)境監(jiān)管的逐步改善通常已經(jīng)被增加生產(chǎn)，消費和資源利用的規(guī)模效應(yīng)所凌駕。為應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)，世界各國已開始探索其他的方法來提高行業(yè)的環(huán)保性能，包括在一個直接的在經(jīng)濟和環(huán)境的一體化的集成和環(huán)境

40、政策。在本文中，我們的研究報告力求達成一種文件和政策一體化的成果，即把環(huán)境問題納入?yún)^(qū)域經(jīng)濟發(fā)展機構(gòu)的職權(quán)內(nèi)。在世界上沒有任何一個地方的產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)比起正在快速工業(yè)化和城市化的亞洲經(jīng)濟體更加富有意義。亞洲工業(yè)產(chǎn)值的比重由1950年的全球產(chǎn)值的約10%增加到1995年全球產(chǎn)值的30%，它的出口比重到2025年將達到55%到60%。除非有其他科技的因素或挑戰(zhàn)來減緩經(jīng)濟，原材料，水，和工業(yè)產(chǎn)值的污染強度。這些在工業(yè)產(chǎn)值的絕對增長將預(yù)示著同樣的在資源利用和污染方面的增長。在發(fā)展中的亞洲，資源的利用，包括印度和中國，被預(yù)計將從2000年的84.5萬億BTU增加到2020年的約177.9萬億BTU。

41、亞洲的溫室氣體的排放量預(yù)計在接下來的20年增加一倍以上。在2015年到2020年的某個時候，亞洲將要超過經(jīng)合組織國際成為全球溫室氣體排放量最大的地區(qū)。了解確定技術(shù)產(chǎn)業(yè)的采用率的因素是低能源和材料的消耗，低的污染密集是東亞和其他快速工業(yè)化的亞洲經(jīng)濟體的關(guān)鍵的政策重點。由于其在貿(mào)易和投資的開放度和經(jīng)濟改革的步伐，東亞已經(jīng)成為在推行以改善和減少貧困為雙重目標(biāo)的政策和體制框架的一個測試案例。由于經(jīng)合組織經(jīng)濟體系內(nèi)，朝著提高東亞區(qū)域內(nèi)行業(yè)的環(huán)境績效的政策方法的基礎(chǔ)是環(huán)境監(jiān)管。在20世紀(jì)70年代和80年代期間，許多發(fā)展中的亞洲經(jīng)濟體建立一個環(huán)境監(jiān)測和監(jiān)管的相關(guān)體系的法律體制和體制框架。這些機構(gòu)的資源的可用

42、性和環(huán)境監(jiān)測和執(zhí)法的有效性，在區(qū)域內(nèi)有很大的不同。在許多高收入的國家強有力的環(huán)保組織是非常到位的。傳統(tǒng)的命令和控制監(jiān)管政策越來越多地被以市場為基礎(chǔ)的政策工具和所謂的第三代的基于環(huán)境措施和信息的公開的政策方針?biāo)o助。為了努力地提高產(chǎn)業(yè)的環(huán)保績效，該地區(qū)的一些的國家轉(zhuǎn)變那種傳統(tǒng)上沒有在環(huán)境保護中發(fā)揮作用的的體系，包括工業(yè)和經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的機構(gòu)。政策制定者正在嘗試內(nèi)部化環(huán)境考慮，在制定企業(yè)和行業(yè)基本經(jīng)濟決策內(nèi)和在推動產(chǎn)業(yè)和城市發(fā)展承擔(dān)主要責(zé)任的經(jīng)濟和產(chǎn)業(yè)發(fā)展機構(gòu)的政策內(nèi)。在聯(lián)系經(jīng)濟和經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的機構(gòu)內(nèi)的環(huán)境績效的興趣有許多的根源。首先，經(jīng)濟發(fā)展機構(gòu)在許多情況下與企業(yè)緊密合作努力提高技術(shù)和管理能力。其次，經(jīng)濟發(fā)展機構(gòu)獲得的資源和政策工具，可以提高所承受經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展和環(huán)境的績效，包括有關(guān)的投資審批，市場準(zhǔn)入，設(shè)施許可證或土地使用規(guī)劃。第三，相比在發(fā)展中的亞洲國家內(nèi)的相對獨立的環(huán)境監(jiān)管機構(gòu)，經(jīng)濟和工業(yè)發(fā)展機構(gòu)通常有很好的資源并能在產(chǎn)業(yè)經(jīng)