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PAGEPAGE5Passage1
Reebokexecutivesdonotliketoheartheirstylishathleticshoescalled"footwearforyuppies(雅皮士·少壯高薪職業(yè)人士)".TheycontendthatReebokshoesappealtodiversemarketsegments,especiallynowthatthecompanyoffersbasketballandchildren'sshoesfortheunder-18setandwalkingshoesforoldercustomersnotinterestedinaerobics(健身操)orrunning.Theexecutivesalsopointoutthatthroughrecentacquisitionstheyhaveaddedhikingboots,dressandcasualshoes,andhigh-performanceathleticfootweartotheirproductlines,allofwhichshouldattractnewandvariedgroupsofcustomers.
Still,despiteitsemphasisonnewmarkets,Reebokplansfewchangesintheupmarket(高檔消費(fèi)人群的)retailingnetworkthathelpedpushsalesto$1billionannually,aheadofallothersportsshoemarketers.Reebokshoes,whicharepricedfrom$27to$85,willcontinuetobesoldonlyinbetterspecialty,sportinggoods,anddepartmentstores,inaccordancewiththecompany'sviewthatconsumersjudgethequalityofthebrandbythequalityofitsdistribution.
Inthepastfewyears,theMassachusetts-basedcompanyhasimposedlimitsonthenumberofitsdistributors(andthenumberofshoessuppliedtostores),partlyoutofnecessity.AttimestheunexpecteddemandforReebok'sexceededsupply,andthecompanycouldbarelykeepupwithordersfromthedealersitalreadyhad.Thesefulfillmentproblemsseemtobeundercontrolnow,butthecompanyisstillselectiveaboutitsdistributors.Atpresent,ReebokshoesareavailableinaboutfivethousandretailstoresintheUnitedStates.
Reebokhasalreadyanticipatedthatwalkingshoeswillbethenextfitness-relatedcraze,replacingaerobicsshoesthesamewayitsbrightlycolored,softleatherexercisefootwearreplacedconventionalrunningshoes.Throughproductdiversificationandcarefulmarketresearch,ReebokhopestoavoidthedistributionproblemsNikecameacrossseveralyearsago,whenNikemisjudgedthestrengthoftheaerobicsshoecrazeandwasforcedtounloadhugeinventoriesofrunningshoesthroughdiscountstores.Yuky1.
Reebok'sviewthat"consumersjudgethequalityofthebrandbythequalityofitsdistribution"(Line5,Par
2)impliesthat______.A.thequalityofabrandismeasuredbytheservicequalityofthestoresellingitB.thequalityofaproductdeterminesthequalityofitsdistributorsC.thepopularityofabrandisdeterminedbythestoresthatsellitD.consumersbelievethatfirst-rateproductsareonlysoldbyhigh-qualitystores2.
WhatlessonhasReeboklearnedfromNike'sdistributionproblems?A
Acompanyshouldnotsellitshighqualityshoesindiscountstores.B
Acompanyshouldnotlimititsdistributionnetwork.C
Acompanyshoulddofollow-upsurveysofitsproducts.D
Acompanyshouldcorrectlyevaluatetheimpactofanewcrazeonthemarket.3.
AlthoughtheReebokCompanyhassolvedtheproblemoffulfillingitsorders,it______.A
doesnotwanttofurtherexpanditsretailingnetworkB
stilllimitsthenumberofshoessuppliedtostoresC
isstillparticularaboutwhosellsitsproductsD
Stillcarefullychoosesthemanufacturersofitsproducts4.
Reebokoncehadtolimitthenumberofitsdistributorsbecause______.A
itssupplyofproductsfellshortofdemandB
toomanydistributorswouldcutintoitsprofitsC
thereductionofdistributorscouldincreaseitsshareofthemarketD
itwantedtoenhanceconsumerconfidenceinitsproducts5.
OnereasonwhyReebok'smanagerialpersonneldon'tliketheirshoestobecalled"footwearforyuppies"isthat______.A
theybelievethattheirshoesarepopularwithpeopleofdifferentagegroupsB
newproductionlineshavebeenaddedtoproduceinexpensiveshoesC
"yuppies"usuallyevokesanegativeimageD
thetermmakespeoplethinkofprohibitivepricesPassage2CBABD1.答案:C[設(shè)題處]舉例處設(shè)題[解析]文章第二段第一、二句提到,在某些自動(dòng)化要求機(jī)器全天運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的企業(yè)中,人們要實(shí)行輪班,他們從白天工作轉(zhuǎn)入夜晚工作的難易程度越來越成為人們關(guān)注的問題,由此可知答案為[C]。[A]和[D]在文中并未提到,而[B]雖然提到了,但并不能作為為何“人們要適應(yīng)晚上工作的難易程度不僅僅是學(xué)術(shù)問題”的原因。2.答案:B[設(shè)題處]事實(shí)處設(shè)題[解析]定位于文章第二段最后一句“經(jīng)常調(diào)整輪班方式意味著,一個(gè)人剛剛適應(yīng)一種上班時(shí)間,卻又不得不改換另一種,以至于他既無法有效地工作,也無法有效地睡覺”,由此可知答案為[B]。3.答案:A[設(shè)題處]因果處設(shè)題[解析]末段第三句提到,在白天正常工作的人醒著時(shí)體溫高,夜間體溫低。當(dāng)他們改成夜班制時(shí),體溫模式只會(huì)逐漸調(diào)整以便適應(yīng)新的工作方式;一般來講,調(diào)整的速度與整個(gè)身體——在工作表現(xiàn)方面——調(diào)整同步,由此可知答案為[A],而排除[B]和[C](是因?yàn)楫?dāng)工作時(shí)間改變時(shí),體溫只會(huì)慢慢調(diào)整,以適應(yīng)新的工作方式,而不能隨意調(diào)來調(diào)去)。雖然文中提到了工作時(shí)體溫高,但并沒有說高效率工作時(shí)體溫更高,因此排除[D]。4.答案:B[設(shè)題處]事實(shí)處設(shè)題[解析]根據(jù)末段第三句和倒數(shù)第二句可排除[A];而由末段倒數(shù)第二句可知[C]錯(cuò)誤;此外,根據(jù)第三段第三句可排除[D]。第三段首句和末段首句中都出現(xiàn)了appearstobe(看起來,似乎),由此可知文中提到挑選很多長期上夜班的工人是最好的解決方法時(shí),并不是完全肯定的,故有答案為[B]。5.答案:D[設(shè)題處]事實(shí)處設(shè)題[解析]最后一段第三句已提到,在白天正常工作的人醒著時(shí)體溫高,夜間體溫低。其隱含義就是:人體溫低時(shí)工作效率是很低的,由此可知答案為[D]。Passage3InJapan,wherecareeropportunitiesforwomenarefew,wheredivorcecanmeanalifeofhardship,andwheremostfemalenamesarestillformedusingawordforchild,awoman'sindependencehasalwayscomeatasteepprice.
Notionsofwomen'sliberationhavenevertakenrootamongJapanesewomen.Butwithscantopenconflict,thepushforseparateburialsisquietlybecomingoneofthecountry'sfastestgrowingsocialtrends.InarecentsurveybytheTBStelevisionnetwork,20percentofthewomenwhorespondedsaidtheyhopedtobeburiedseparatelyfromtheirhusbands.
ThefuneraryrevoltcomesaswomenhereannoyatJapan'sslowpaceinprovidinggreaterequalitybetweenthesexes.Thelaw,forexample,stillmakesitalmostimpossibleforawomantousehermaidennameaftermarriage.DivorceratesarelowbyWesternstandards,meanwhile,becauseachievingfinancialindependence,orevenobtainingacreditcardinone'sownname,areinsurmountablehurdlesformanydivorcedwomen.Untilrecently,societyenforcedrestrictionsonwomenevenindeath.UnderJapan'scomplexburialcustoms,divorcedorunmarriedwomenweretraditionallyunwelcomeinmostgraveyards,whereplotsarestillpasseddownthroughthehusband'sfamilyanddescendantsmustprovidemaintenanceforburialsitesorlosethem.
"Thewomanwhowantedtobeburiedalonecouldn'tfindagraveyarduntilabout10yearsago,"saidHaruyoInoue,asociologistofdeathandburialatJapanUniversity.Shesaidthatgraveyardsthatdidnotrequiredescendants,inordertoaccommodatewomen,beganappearingaround1990.Today,shesaid,thattherearecloseto400ofthesecemeteriesinJapan.ThatisjustonesignofstirringamongJapanesewomen,whoarealsopressingforthefirsttimetochangethelawtobeabletousetheirmaidennamesaftermarriage.
Althoughcreditgoesbeyondanyindividual,manywomenciteJunkoMastubara,apopularwriteronwomen'sissues,withignitingthetrendtoseparatesexburials.Startingthreeyearsago,Ms.Matsubarahasbuiltanassociationofnearly600women--somedivorced,someunhappilymarried,andsomedeterminedlysinglewhoplantoshareacommonplotcurbedoutofanordinarycemeteryinthewesternsuburbofChofu.Yuky1.
Accordingtothepassage,thesexinequalitiesthatJapanesewomenendureincludeEXCEPT______.A
theyareforbiddentodivorceB
theyarerestrictedfrombeingburiedseparatelyfromtheirhusbandsC
thelawmakesitalmostimpossibleforawomantousehermaidennameaftermarriageD
theyhesitatetotakepartinwomen'sliberationmovements2.Inthisarticle,theauthorismainlyconcernedwith______.A
Japanesewomen'sendeavorstowinsexequalityBsocialandgovernmentalobligationineliminatingsexinequalityC
howJapaneselawspreventJapanesewomenfrombeingburiedaloneDhowtochangeJapan'scomplexburialcustoms3.
FromthefactthatdivorcecanmeanalifeofhardshipforJapanesewomen,wecaninferthat______.A
manyJapanesewomenhaveabadrelationshipwiththeirhusbandsB
manyJapanesewomenlivetogetherwiththeirhusbandinperfectharmonyC
manyJapanesewomenhavealowsocialstatusD
it'sanout-datedcustomforJapanesewomentobehousewives4.
Accordingtothepassage,whichofthefollowingstatementsaboutthefuneralrevoltinJapanisNOTtrue?A
ItcomesastheresultofJapanesewomen'sdissatisfactionwithJapan'sslowpaceinprovidinggreatersexequality.B
MoreandmoreJapanesewomenchoosetheformofdivorcetowinthevictoryoffuneralrevolt.C
Japan'scomplexburialcustomsmakeitmoredifficultforJapanesewomentobeburiedseparately.D
MoreandmoreJapanesewomenprefertobeburiedseparatelyfromtheirhusbands.5.
Themeaningoftheword"ignite"inthelastparagraphis"______".A
tocausetodieB
toarousethepassionofC
tomakeangryD
tomakegloomPassage3AACBB1.[A]細(xì)節(jié)理解題。文章開頭講到接受電視臺(tái)調(diào)查的婦女中有20%表示希望能與丈夫分開埋葬(20percentofthewomenwhorespondedsaidtheyhopedtobeburiedseparatelyfromtheirhusbands),還提到日本的墓地是由丈夫的家族傳下來的,子孫們必須維護(hù)好葬址,否則就會(huì)喪失墓地(whereplotsarestillpasseddownthroughthehusband'sfamilyanddescendantsmustprovidemaintenanceforburialsitesorlosethem),所以B正確;C法律禁止婦女婚后使用娘家姓是文章原句(Thelaw,forexample,stillmakesitalmostimpossibleforawomantousehermaidennameaftermarriage);文章一開頭就提到,婦女解放的觀念從未在日本婦女中扎根(Notionsofwomen'sliberationhavenevertakenrootamongJapanesewomen),所以D正確,只有A不符合文意。2.[A]主旨概括題。作者在這篇文章里主要討論的是日本婦女通過以爭取死后單獨(dú)埋葬為重點(diǎn),為爭取自己的性別平等地位所做的努力,并沒有提及日本社會(huì)和政府對于消滅性別不平等的義務(wù)。3.[C]推理題。從離婚對婦女來說意味著艱辛的生活這一事實(shí),可以推理出什么?聯(lián)系這句話的上下文:在日本,婦女的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)極少,離婚對婦女來說意味著艱辛的生活,大多數(shù)婦女的名字是用孩子的一個(gè)字來取的,婦女的獨(dú)立總是以極高的代價(jià)獲得的。因此可以推測出這一事實(shí)說明的是日本婦女的社會(huì)地位很低。4.[B]推理判斷題。文章提到了葬禮反抗的開始是由于婦女們對日本在提供更多的性別平等方面的緩慢步伐感到不滿(ThefuneraryrevoltcomesaswomenhereannoyatJapan'sslowpaceinprovidinggreaterequalitybetweenthesexes);并說到在日本復(fù)雜的葬禮習(xí)俗下,離婚的或是未結(jié)婚的婦女傳統(tǒng)上在大多數(shù)墓地是不受歡迎的(UnderJapan'scomplexburialcustoms,divorcedorunmarriedwomenweretraditionallyunwelcomeinmostgraveyards);還說到單獨(dú)埋葬已經(jīng)悄然成為日本發(fā)展最快的社會(huì)時(shí)尚(thepushforseparateburialsisquietlybecomingoneofthecountry'sfastestgrowingsocialtrends),但文章沒有提到婦女們把離婚作為爭取勝利的手段。5.[B]詞匯猜測題。問“ignite”在文章中的意思。文章說:很多婦女舉JunkoMastubara這位婦女問題的著名作家為例,她“ignite”按性別單獨(dú)埋葬的趨勢。接著又講到她于三年前建立了一個(gè)有大約600名婦女組成的社團(tuán),計(jì)劃在Chofu西郊的一塊普通墓地旁共同爭取一塊墓地,所以“ignite”是“點(diǎn)燃,激起”的意思。Passage4
Oftencalledtheintellectualleaderoftheanimal-rightsmovement,Regan"istheforemostphilosopherinthiscountryinthefieldofthemoralstatusofnon-rationalanimals",saysBobBryan,formerchairmanoftheN.C.StatePhilosophyandReligionDepartment.ReganhaslecturedfromStockholmtoMelbourneabouttheimportanceofrecognizinganimalsaspartoftheevolvingfieldofethics.Hisbooks,TheCaseforAnimalRightsandInDefenseofAnimalRights,arewidelyacknowledgedashavingcementedtherootsofthemodemanimal-rightsmovementinacademia.
Tobesure,vegetarianismdatesbacktoPlatoandPlutarch.AndinAmerica,thefirstcrueltybustshappenedinthelate19thcenturyinNewYork.Butsocietyviewedanimalslargelyasproperties,untilReganandahandfulofotherphilosopherspushedanimal-rightsissuesintotheacademicmainstream.Indeed,thisacademicfocushasdramaticallyalteredhowAmericansapproachtheethicsofhusbandry,someobserverssay.Once-radicalideashavebeenfirmlywovenintosociety.
Reganenvisionsatypeof"billofrights"foranimals,includingtheabandonmentofpetownership,eliminationofameat-baseddiet,andnewstandardsforbiomedicalresearchonanimals.Essentially,hewantstoestablishanewkindofsolidaritywithanimals,andstopanimalhusbandryaltogether."Inadditiontothevisibleachievementsandchanges,there'sbeenwhatImightcallaninvisiblerevolutiontakingplace,andthatrevolutionistheseriousnesswithwhichtheissueofanimalrightsistakenintheacademyandinhighereducation,"Regansays.
ButwithReganplanningtoretireinDecember,agrowingnumberoffarmers,doctors,andothersarequestioningthesustainabilityofhisideas.Increasingly,Americanswhofeeltheirrightshavebecomesecondarytoanimals'rightsarespeakingoutagainstawaveofarsonattacksonfarmersandpiesthrowninthefacesofresearchers.Radicalgroups,withsometimes-violenttactics,havebeenaccusedofscaringfarmersawayfromspeakingupfortraditionalagrarianvalues.Indeed,tensionsareonlyrisingbetweenanimal-rightsactivistsandgroupsthathavetraditionallyusedthelandwithaneyetowardanimals'overallwelfare,nottheir"right"tobehappyortolivelonglives.
ThecontroversyaroundReganisheightenedbythefactthathe'snopacifist.Hesayshebelievesit'sOKtobreakthelawforagreaterpurpose.Hecallsitthe"greater-evildoctrine",theideathatthere'smoralhierarchytocrime."Ithinkthatyoucanwinincourt,andthat'swhatItellpeople,"Regansays."Idon'tbelievethatyoushouldrunandhide."Theshiftinthelevelofrespecthasbeen"seismic",hesays."Contrarytowhatalotofpeoplethink,therereallyhasbeenarecognitionthattherearesomethingsthathumanbeingsshouldnotbepermittedtodotoanimals.Wherethehumanhearthasgrownisintherecognitionofwhatistobeprohibited."Yuky1.Reganiscalledtheintellectualleaderoftheanimal-rightsmovementbecauseA
heisaphilosopherinthefieldofanimal-rightsprotection.B
hehelpstomakeanimal-rightsmovementanacademicsubject.C
hehaswrittenmanybooksonhowtoprotectanimalrights.D
heprovesthatanimalsocietieshavetheirmoralstandardsashumansocietiesdo.2.
AllofthefollowingarementionedasRegan'sconceptsofanimalrightsmovementEXCEPTA
animalshavesomebasicrightslikepeople.B
peopleshouldreassesstheirrelationshiptoanimals.C
animalsshouldnotbetakentobepropertiestopeople.D
thewaymoralityistaughtintheacademiccircleshouldbechanged.3.
Whatisthe"invisiblerevolution"mentionedinthethirdparagraph?A
Academiabeginstotakeanimal-rightsmovementseriouslyB
Violenceshouldsometimesbeusedtoprotectanimalrights.C
Anattempthasbeenmadetostopanimalhusbandryaltogether.D
Thebillofrightsforanimalshasbeenwrittenintothelaw.4.
WelearnfromthepassagethatReganA
isaprofessorattheUniversityofMelbourne.B
consentstotheemploymentofviolenceinanimalprotection.C
isavegetarianwhoisfairlyfamiliarwithPlato'sphilosophy.D
isthefirstmanwhoisfullyconvincedthatanimalshaverights.5.
ReganobviouslybelievesthattheprospectofanimalrightsmovementisA
gloomy.B
bright.C
uncertain.D
doomed.Passage4BDABB1答案:B[設(shè)題處]因果處設(shè)題[解析]文中第一段提到,Regan經(jīng)常被稱作動(dòng)物保護(hù)運(yùn)動(dòng)的知識領(lǐng)袖,根據(jù)Bryan的說法,在為非理性的動(dòng)物確立道德地位方面,Regan是20世紀(jì)的哲學(xué)先驅(qū)。他到處游說,論述將動(dòng)物保護(hù)作為一個(gè)新興的道德領(lǐng)域。他的書被廣泛認(rèn)為給現(xiàn)代動(dòng)物保護(hù)運(yùn)動(dòng)奠定了學(xué)術(shù)基礎(chǔ),由此可知答案為[B]。2.答案:D[設(shè)題處]觀點(diǎn)處設(shè)題[解析]根據(jù)文章第三段第一句“在Regan看來,應(yīng)該制定一個(gè)動(dòng)物“權(quán)利法案”,包括放棄養(yǎng)寵物的做法、取消以肉類為主的用餐方式、為使用動(dòng)物進(jìn)行生物醫(yī)學(xué)研究確立新的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”,所以排除[A]和[C];由第三段第二句“從根本上說,Regan要求與動(dòng)物確立一種新的牢固關(guān)系,徹底停止畜牧業(yè)”可知[B]錯(cuò)誤,故答案為[D]。3.答案:A[設(shè)題處]引言處設(shè)題[解析]定位于文章第三段最后一句“他說,除了看得見的成就和變化外,一場革命正在發(fā)生,我稱之為看不見的革命,即學(xué)術(shù)界和高等教育界對待動(dòng)物權(quán)利的問題非常認(rèn)真”,由此可知答案為[A]。4.答案:B[設(shè)題處]事實(shí)處設(shè)題[解析]最后一段前兩句提到,圍繞Regan的爭議由于下列一個(gè)事實(shí)而變得更激烈:他不是一個(gè)和平運(yùn)動(dòng)者,他認(rèn)為為了實(shí)現(xiàn)更大的目的(指動(dòng)物保護(hù))犯法也沒關(guān)系,由此可知答案為[B]。根據(jù)第一段第一、二句可排除[A];又由第二段第一、二句可排除[C];此外,根據(jù)第一段可知[D]錯(cuò)誤。5.答案:B[設(shè)題處]觀點(diǎn)處設(shè)題[解析]定位于最后一段后半部分,在Regan看來,(人們對于動(dòng)物的)尊重程度已發(fā)生了根本的變化,與很多人看法不同,人們已經(jīng)真正認(rèn)識到:他們對動(dòng)物已經(jīng)不能為所欲為了,人們的思想變化表現(xiàn)在他們知道哪些事不能做,由此可知答案為[B]。Passage5Foralongtime,researchershavetriedtonaildownjustwhatshapesus--orwhat,atleast,shapesusmost.Andovertheyears,they'vehadalotofexclamationmoments.Firstitwasourparents,particularlyourmothers.Thenitwasourgenes.Nextitwasourpeers,whoshowuplastbutholdgreatsway.Andallthoseideasweregoodones--butonlyasfarastheywent.Somewhere,therewasasortoftemperamentaldarkmatterexertinganinvisiblegravitationalpullofitsown.Moreandmore,scientistsareconcludingthatthisunexplainedforceisoursiblings.Fromthetimeweareborn,ourbrothersandsistersareourcollaboratorsandco-conspirators,ourrolemodelsandcautionarytales.Theyareourscolds,protectors,goads,tormentors,playmates,counselors,sourcesofenvy,objectsofpride.Theyteachushowtoresolveconflictsandhownotto;howtoconductfriendshipsandwhentowalkawayfromthem.Sistersteachbrothersaboutthemysteriesofgirls;brothersteachsistersaboutthepuzzleofboys.Ourspousesarrivecomparativelylateinourlives;ourparentseventuallyleaveus.Oursiblingsmaybetheonlypeoplewe'lleverknowwhotrulyqualifyaspartnersforlife.
"Siblings,"saysfamilysociologistKatherineConger,"arewithusforthewholejourney."Withinthescientificcommunity,siblingshavenotbeenwhollyignored,butresearchhasbeenlimitedmostlytodiscussionsofbirthorder.Oldersibsweresaidtobestrivers;youngeronesrebels;middlekidsthelostsouls.Thestereotypeswerebroad,ifnotentirelyuntrue,andtherethediscussionmostlyended.Butallthat’schangin9.AtresearchcentersintheU.S.,Canada,Europeandelsewhere,investigatorsarelaunchingawealthofnewstudiesintothesiblingdynamic,lookingatwaysbrothersandsisterssteeroneanotherint0—orawayfrom--riskybehaviorhowtheyformaprotectivebuffer(減震器)againstfamilyupheaval;howtheyeducateoneanotherabouttheoppositesex;howallsiblingscompeteforfamilyrecognitionandcometoterms--orblows--oversuchimpossiblychargedissuesasparentalfavoritism.Fromthatresearch,scientistsaregainingintriguinginsightsintothepeoplewebecomeasadults.Doesthemanagerwhorunsaharmoniousofficecallonthepeacemakingskillslearnedinthefamilyplayroom?DoesthestudentstrugglingwithaprofessorwhoplaysfavoritessummonupthecopingskillsacquiredfromdealingwithasisterwhowasDaddy’sgirl?Dohusbandsandwivesbenefitfromtheinter—gendernegotiationstheywagedwhentheirmostimportantpartnersweretheirsistersandbrothers?Allthatisunderinvestigation.“Siblingshavejustbeenofftheradarscreenuntilnow,”saysConger.Buttodayseriousworkisrevealingexactlyhowourbrothersandsistersinfluenceus.Yuky1.Thebeginningofthepassageindicatesthat
A.researchershavefoundoutwhatshapesus.
B.ourpeeristhelastfactorinfluencingus.
C.whatresearchersfoundcontributesinalimitedway.
D.whatresearchersfoundisgoodandtrustworthy.2.Inthethirdparagraph,theauthortriestodemonstratethatoursiblings
A.offerusmuchusefulinformation.
B.havegreatinfluencesonus.
C.a(chǎn)retheoneswholoveuscompletely.
D.a(chǎn)ccompanyusthroughoutourlife.3.Inscientificcommunity,previousresearchonsiblings
A.mostlyfocusedonthesiblingorder.
B.studiedthecharacteristicsofthekids.
C.studiedthematterinabroadsense.
D.wasn’tbelievableandthediscussionended.4.WhichofthefollowingisNOTsiblingdynamic?
A.Abrothercautionshissisteragainstgettingintotrouble.
B.Sistershavequarrelswitheachother.
C.Siblingscompeteforparentalfavoritism.
D.Olderkidsinafamilytryhardtoachieve.5.Fromthelastparagraph,wecanconcludethat
A.managerslearnedmanagementskillsfromthefamilyplayroom.
B.spouseslearnednegotiationskillsfromtheirsiblings.
C.studiesonsiblingsareundertheway。
D.studiesonsiblingsneedthoroughinvestigation.Passage5CBADC1.[C]細(xì)節(jié)判斷題。第1段指出了研究人員研究什么塑造我們,并取得了一些成果,最后一句“但這僅僅是就目前的研究而言”表明目前研究的局限性,C表達(dá)了這個(gè)含義。由第1段可知,研究者還在探索到底是什么塑造了我們,故A錯(cuò)誤;該段倒數(shù)第2句提到雖然我們的同齡人出現(xiàn)得最晚,但是影響卻最深刻,故B也錯(cuò)了;trustworthy在文中沒有依據(jù),故排除D。2.[B]段落大意題。第3段講到了兄弟姐妹在我們生活中扮演的各種角色對我們生命的影響,故選B;A“提供給我們有用的信息”屬段落細(xì)節(jié),不是作者在第3段想要說明的問題;C“完完全全愛我們的人”過于絕對且在文中找不到對應(yīng)信息點(diǎn);D“伴隨我們一生”只是影響我們的一個(gè)方面,故D也可排除。3.[A]細(xì)節(jié)判斷題。根據(jù)scientificcommunity定位到第4段首句。由該句but轉(zhuǎn)折處可知答案應(yīng)為A。第2句提到年長的、年小的、中間的孩子共有的定式,并沒有對他們的個(gè)性特征進(jìn)行研究,故B排除;最后一句說這種定式很普遍,但并不意味著從廣義上來研究兄弟姐妹對我們的影響,故C排除;D在文中沒有依據(jù)。4.[D]細(xì)節(jié)判斷題。根據(jù)siblingdynamic定位到第5段。本題可用排除法。A、B對應(yīng)steerawayfromriskybehavior;C在該段提及,也屬siblingdynamic。D在第4段有提到,但不屬于siblingdynamic。5.[C]細(xì)節(jié)推斷題。末段倒數(shù)第3旬提到Allthatisunderinvestigation,C與此同義,為正確答案。A、B只是該段中的個(gè)別例證;最后一句提到要進(jìn)一步研究兄弟姐妹是如何影響我們的,D項(xiàng)的表述與原文有出入。Passage6
Bythe1980s,accordingtointernationalbutadmittedlyinconsistentdefinitionsofliteracy,aboutsevenoutoftenadultsintheworldwereconsideredliterate.Theincreaseinliteracyfromancienttimestothepresenthasnotbeenastoryofunbrokenprogress.Theabilityofpeoplewithinagivensocietytoreadandwritehasbeeninfluencedbyanumberoffactors,includingeconomicwell-being,theavailabilityofmaterialtoread,theamountofeducationavailable,andthebasicmatteroftheusefulnessofreading.
Ofthesefactors,usefulnesshasprobablybeenthemostdecisive.Inancientsocieties,aspeoplesettledintostablepatternsofagricultureandtrade,itbecameusefulforsomeofthemtoreadandwriteinordertokeeprecords,totransactbusiness,andtomeasureamountsofland,animals,goods,materials,andproduce.Sincealleconomicaspectsofasocietywerecloselytiedtotheoperationsofgovernment,literarybecameusefulandevennecessaryforthekeepingofrecordsbyofficials.TheresponsibilitiesofcitizenshipledtoafairlyhighlevelofliteracyinancientGreeceandRome,butinadditiontothat,therealsogrewanappreciationofgoodliterature,poetry,drama,history,andphilosophy.
DuringtheearlyMiddleAges,withthegeneralbreakdownofsocietyinEuropeandthedecreaseofcommerce,literarybecamelargelyconfinedtothechurch.ButinthelateMiddleAges,intheperiodoftheRenaissance,thegreatexpansionofcommerceandbankingledtoarevivalinliteracyforthesamereasonthathadcausedittoincreaseintheancientworldusefulness.
Withtheinventionoftheprintingpressandinexpensivepaperlateinthe15thcenturytherewasforthefirsttimeagreatavailabilityofreadingmaterialforamuchgreaternumberofpeople.Religiousreformerswereamongthefirsttoutilizethesituation,quicklygettingtranslationsoftheBibleandeducationaltractsandbookletsintothehandsofmanypeople.
Thebroadenedreligiousenlightenmentthatresultedwasfollowedinlatercenturiesbyapoliticalone.Politicaltheoristswhofavoreddoctrinespromotingthenaturalrightsofmancalledforanattackuponilliteracy.Politicalrevolutions,particularlyintheUnitedStatesandFrance,helpedinaugurateanerainwhichallclasseswerecalledupontobecomeinformedonpublicpolicyfortheirownwelfare.Againstthispoliticalbackgroundthereemergedthemovementforuniversalpopulareducation.Literacycametobeunderstoodasameanswherebytheindividualcouldbenefitandadvance,andgraduallywholesocietiesbegantoacknowledgethatuniversalliteracyamongtheircitizenswasanavenuetogreatereconomicwell-being.Yuky1.
FromthefirstparagraphwelearnthatA
itisfairlyeasytodetermineliteracy.B
thereisnoilliteracyinarichfamily.C
historyseesanevenprogresstowardsliteracy.D
inhistoryliteracysuffersupsanddowns.2.
Whichofthefollowingexertsthegreatestinfluenceonuniversalliterary?A
Governmentpolicies.B
Theinventionoftheprintingpress.C
Thepopularizationofeducation.D
Thepracticalneedforreading.3.
Accordingtothepassage,whatisthemajordrivingforcebehindtheprogresstowardmoreliteracy?A
Theamountofeducation.B
Theavailabilityofreadingmaterials.C
Theeconomicdevelopment.D
Thenecessitytoread.4.
WhatbroughtaboutthegreatexpansionofliteracyintheRenaissance?A
Thereligiousreforms.B
ThetraditionandpopularizationoftheBible.C
Theavailabilityofprintingtechnologyandcheappaper.D
Therenovationsoftheteachingmethods.5.
ThelastparagraphismainlyaboutA
thereligiousmovementsthatpromotetheliteracyofthepublic.B
thenewprogresstowardsliteracyinitiatedbydemocraticsociety.C
modempoliticalmovementtowardsamoredemocraticsociety.D
politicalmovementsattheendoftheMiddleAgesfightingilliteracy.Passage6DDDCB1.答案:D[設(shè)題處]段意處設(shè)題[解析]第一段指出,從古至今,文化水平的增長并非一帆風(fēng)順(astoryofunbrokenprogress),某個(gè)社會(huì)的人的閱讀和寫作水平受許多因素制約,如:經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況、閱讀材料的多少、受教育機(jī)會(huì)(theamountofeducationavailable)和閱讀能力的實(shí)用性,故答案為[D]。
2.答案:D[設(shè)題處]事實(shí)處設(shè)題[解析]由第二段第一句“在眾多因素中,實(shí)用性(usefulness)可能是決定性因素”可知答案為[D]。3.答案:D[設(shè)題處]推斷處設(shè)題[解析]根據(jù)第2題的分析,再聯(lián)系文中以下幾段不難看出,這里的“實(shí)用性”是指:學(xué)會(huì)閱讀有什么直接用途,由此可推斷答案為[D]。
4.答案:C[設(shè)題處]因果處設(shè)題[解析]第四段實(shí)際上說的也是文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期文化的進(jìn)步,正是由于印刷術(shù)的發(fā)明和便宜的紙張才使歐洲的文化得到了前有未有的普及和提高,從而有文化的人增多了,故答案為[C]。5.答案:B[設(shè)題處]段意處設(shè)題[解析]最后一段指出,廣泛的宗教啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)之后是幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的政治啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)。那些支持天賦人權(quán)綱領(lǐng)的政治理論家號召向文盲宣戰(zhàn),政治革命——特別是美國和法國的革命——促進(jìn)了一個(gè)新時(shí)代的誕生:為了自身的利益,各社會(huì)階層的人被號召關(guān)心國家政策,在此背景下,出現(xiàn)了文化普及運(yùn)動(dòng),由此可知答案為[B]。Passage7
Theimportanceandfocusoftheinterviewingtheworkoftheprintandbroadcastjournalistisreflectedinseveralbooksthathavebeenwrittenonthetopic.Mostofthesebooks,aswellasseveralchapters,mainlyin,butnotlimitedto,journalismandbroadcastinghandbooksandreportingtexts,stressthe"howto"aspectsofjournalisticinterviewingratherthantheconceptualaspectsoftheinterview,itscontext,andimplications.Muchofthe"howto"materialisbasedonpersonalexperiencesandgeneralimpressions.Asweknow,injournalismasinotherfields,muchcanbelearnedfromthesystematicstudyofprofessionalpractice.Suchstudybringstogetherevidencefromwhichbroadgeneralizedprinciplescanbedeveloped.
Thereis,ashasbeensuggested,agrowingbodyofresearchliteratureinjournalismandbroadcasting,butverylittlesignificantattentionhasbeendevotedtothestudyoftheinterviewitself.Ontheothertrend,manygeneratextsaswellasnumerousresearcharticlesoninterviewinginfieldsotherthanjournalismhavebeenwritten.Manyofthesebooksandarticlespresentthetheoreticalandempiricalaspectsoftheinterviewaswellasthetrainingoffileinterviewers.Unhappily,thisplentifulgeneralliteratureaboutinterviewingpayslittleattentiontothejournalisticinterview.Thefactthatthegeneralliteratureoninterviewingdoesnotdealwiththejournalisticinterviewseemstobesurprisingfortworeasons.First,itseemslikelythatmostpeopleinmodemWesternsocietiesaremorefamiliar,atleastinapositivemanner,withjournalisticinterviewingthanwithanyotherfromofinterviewing.Mostofusareprobablysomewhatfamiliarwiththeclinicalinterview,suchasthatconductedbyphysiciansandpsychologists.Inthesesituationstheprofessionalpersonorinterviewer,isinterestedingettinginformationnecessaryforthediagnosisandtreatmentofthepersonseekinghelp.Anotherfamiliarsituationisthejobinterview.However,veryfewofushaveactuallybeeninterviewedpersonallybythemassmedia,particularlybytelevision.Andyet,wehaveavividacquaintancewiththejournalisticinterviewbyvirtueofourrolesasreaders,
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