城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)英語(yǔ)翻譯

1、精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)2 THEORY OF URBAN PLANNING2.1 What is a City? Most of our housing and city planning has been handicapped because those who have undertaken the work have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city. They sought to derive these functions from a cursory1 survey of the a

2、ctivities and interests of the contemporary urban scene. And they did not, apparently, suspect that there might be gross deficiencies, misdirected efforts, mistaken expenditures here that would not be set straight by merely building sanitary tenements or straightening out and widening irregular stre

3、et.大多數(shù)住房和城市規(guī)劃的不完滿是因?yàn)槲覀円呀?jīng)開(kāi)展的工作沒(méi)有清楚的城市功能社會(huì)化的概念。他們?cè)噲D從當(dāng)代都市景象的活動(dòng)與利益中的一個(gè)粗略的調(diào)查來(lái)獲得這些功能。顯然他們沒(méi)有懷疑這可能有嚴(yán)重的不足，誤導(dǎo)努力的方向，在這錯(cuò)誤的支出，將不會(huì)僅僅直接采用建設(shè)衛(wèi)生的住宅或者整頓和拓寬不規(guī)則的道路。The city as a purely physical fact has been subject to numerous investigations. But what is the city as a social institution? I would like sum up the sociolo

4、gical concept of the city in the following terms:城市作為一個(gè)純粹的物理事實(shí)一直受到眾多調(diào)查。但是，城市作為一種社會(huì)制度是什么？我想在以下方面總結(jié)城市的社會(huì)學(xué)概念：The city is a related collection of primary groups and purposive associations: the first, like family and neighborhood, are common to all communities2, while the 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)second are

5、especially characteristic of city life. These varied groups support themselves through economic organizations that are likewise of a more or less corporate, or at least publicly regulated; and they are all housed in permanent structures, within a relatively limited area. The essential physical means

6、 of a citys existence are the fixed site, the durable shelter, the permanent facilities for assembly, interchange, and storage; the essential social means are the social division of labor, which serves not merely the economic life but the cultural processes. The city in its complete sense, then, is

7、a geographic plexus, an economic organization, an institutional process, a theater of social action, and an aesthetic3 symbol of collective unity. The city fosters art and is art; the city creates the theater, that mans more purposive activities are focused, and work out, through conflicting and coo

8、perating personalities, events, groups, into more significant culminations.城市是主要群體和立意團(tuán)體的相關(guān)集合：第一，像家人和鄰里一樣適用于所有社區(qū)，而第二，尤其是城市生活的特點(diǎn)。這些不同的團(tuán)體通過(guò)差不多同樣的企業(yè)或者至少是公開(kāi)監(jiān)管的經(jīng)濟(jì)組織來(lái)支撐他們自己，并且他們都坐落于一個(gè)相對(duì)有限區(qū)域內(nèi)的永久性建筑物中。固定的場(chǎng)地是一個(gè)城市存在必不可少的物理手段，經(jīng)久耐用的收容所，永久設(shè)施的組裝，交換和存儲(chǔ)，社會(huì)的基本手段是社會(huì)勞動(dòng)分工，不僅是提供經(jīng)濟(jì)上的生活，而且要有文化的過(guò)程。那么，完整意義上的城市是一個(gè)地理叢，一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)組織，一

9、個(gè)制度進(jìn)程，一個(gè)社會(huì)行為的劇院和一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)集體的審美符號(hào)。城市促進(jìn)和形成了藝術(shù)，城市創(chuàng)建了劇院，那是人類更有目的的活動(dòng)焦點(diǎn)，并且通過(guò)爭(zhēng)論和合作的人，事，團(tuán)體來(lái)得出更重要的成就。Without the social drama that comes into existence through the focusing and 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)intensification of group activity there is not a single function performed in the city that could not be performedan

10、d has not in fact been performedin the open country. The physical organization of the city may deflate4 this drama or make it frustrate; or it may, through the deliberate efforts of art, politics, and education, make the drama more richly significant, as a stage-set, well-designed, intensifies and u

11、nderlines the gestures for nothing that men have dwelt so often on the beauty or the ugliness of cities: these attributes qualify mens social activities. And if there is a deep reluctance on the part of the true city dweller to leave his cramped quarters for the physically more benign5 environment o

12、f a suburbeven a model garden suburb!his instincts are usually justified: in its very opportunities for social disharmony and conflict, the city creates drama; the suburb lacks it.沒(méi)有通過(guò)聚焦和集約化的組團(tuán)活動(dòng)來(lái)使社會(huì)劇的存在，在城市中這不是一個(gè)單獨(dú)功能的進(jìn)行，那是在開(kāi)放的國(guó)家無(wú)法執(zhí)行的，而事實(shí)上也并沒(méi)有執(zhí)行。城市的物理組織可能使這部劇沒(méi)有銳氣或使其挫敗，也可能通過(guò)刻意在藝術(shù)、政治、教育上的努力，來(lái)作為一個(gè)精心設(shè)計(jì)的

13、舞臺(tái)，使這個(gè)劇有更加豐富的意義，加劇并強(qiáng)調(diào)著人類常常居住在美麗或是丑陋的城市的這種毫無(wú)意義的示意：這些屬性符合人類的社會(huì)活動(dòng)。并且如果一部分真正的城市居民極不愿意離開(kāi)自己的狹窄住處去物理環(huán)境更加良好的郊區(qū)或是一個(gè)公園式的郊區(qū)-他的直覺(jué)通常是合理的：在這碰到社會(huì)的不和諧和斗爭(zhēng)的機(jī)會(huì)很多，城市導(dǎo)演了這場(chǎng)戲;郊區(qū)卻是沒(méi)有的。One may describe the city, in its social aspect, as a special framework directed toward the creation of differentiated opportunities for a c

14、ommon life and a significant collective drama. As indirect forms of association, with the aid of signs and symbols 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)and specialized organizations, supplement direct face-to-face intercourse, the personalities of the citizens themselves become many-faceted：they reflect their speci

15、alized interests, their more intensively trained aptitudes, their finer discriminations6 and selections: the personality no longer presents a more or less unbroken traditional face to reality as a whole. Here lies the possibility of personal disintegration7 ; and here lies the need for reintegration

16、 through wider participation in a concrete and visible collective whole. What men cannot imagine as a vague formless society, they can live through and experience as citizens in a city. Their unified plans and buildings become a symbol of their social relatedness; and when the physical environment i

17、tself becomes disordered and incoherent8, the social functions that it harbors become more difficult to express.在社會(huì)方面可以這樣描繪城市，作為一個(gè)特殊的指導(dǎo)體系去為一個(gè)共同的生活和一個(gè)重要的集體劇去創(chuàng)造差異化的機(jī)會(huì)。有標(biāo)志和符號(hào)的援助以及專門組織作為間接形式的協(xié)會(huì)，補(bǔ)充了直接面對(duì)面的交流，市民自己的個(gè)性變得很多樣：他們反映自己的特殊愛(ài)好，他們更集中地鍛煉了天賦，他們指出了區(qū)別和選擇：在現(xiàn)實(shí)面前個(gè)性作為一個(gè)整體幾乎不再呈現(xiàn)出不間斷的傳統(tǒng)了。這里的個(gè)體可能解散，并且這里需要通過(guò)更廣泛地

18、參與一個(gè)具體可見(jiàn)的整個(gè)集體來(lái)再整合。什么人無(wú)法想象一個(gè)模糊的無(wú)形的社會(huì)，他們可以生活和體會(huì)在城市中作為一個(gè)公民。他們的統(tǒng)一規(guī)劃和建筑成為一種社會(huì)關(guān)聯(lián)的象征，當(dāng)物理環(huán)境本身變得無(wú)序和混亂時(shí)，它懷有的社會(huì)功能將變得更加難以表達(dá)。One further conclusion follows from this concept of the city: social facts are primary, and the physical organization of a city, its industries and its markets, its lines of communication

19、and traffic, must be subservient9 to its social needs. Whereas in the 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)development of the city during the last century we expanded the physical plant recklessly and treated the essential social nucleus, the organs of government and education and social service, as mere afterthoug

20、ht, today we must treat the social nucleus as the essential element in every valid city plan: the spotting and inter-relationship of schools, libraries, theaters, community centers is the first task in defining the urban neighborhood and laying down the outlines of an integrated city. 一個(gè)從城市概念中進(jìn)一步得出的

21、結(jié)論如下：社會(huì)真實(shí)是主要的，并且是一個(gè)城市的物理組織，其行業(yè)和市場(chǎng)，通信的線路和交通，都必須屈從于它的社會(huì)需求。然而在上個(gè)世紀(jì)城市的發(fā)展里，我們的擴(kuò)大了物理設(shè)施并且處理了必要的社會(huì)核心，而政府和教育及社會(huì)服務(wù)機(jī)構(gòu)，僅僅作為可有可無(wú)的東西，今天我們必須把社會(huì)核心的基本要素運(yùn)用在每一個(gè)有效的城市規(guī)劃上：發(fā)現(xiàn)學(xué)校，圖書(shū)館，影劇院和社區(qū)中心的相互關(guān)系是在確定城市地區(qū)，劃定一個(gè)的綜合性城市輪廓的第一位任務(wù)。精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)2. 2 Urban and Region 城市和地區(qū)The character of urban environments is the outcome o

22、f the interplay of a host of private and public interests operating at a variety of geographical scales. In order to understand the geography of towns and cities, therefore, it is necessary to look both within and beyond the settlement, and to examine the complex of factors involved in urban changes

23、 at all levels of the global-local continuum. Although the factors and processes involved in urban development are not confined to any discrete level of the global-local spectrum, the concept of “l(fā)evel of the analysis” offers a useful organizing framework which simplifies the complexity of the real

24、world and illustrates some of the issues of concern to urban planning at different spatial scales. We can identify five main levels of analyses.城市環(huán)境的特點(diǎn)是指在多種地域范圍內(nèi)運(yùn)營(yíng)的一些私人和公共利益相互作用的結(jié)果。因此，為了了解城鎮(zhèn)和城市的地理，有必要考查其所處地區(qū)內(nèi)外的環(huán)境，并且調(diào)查各種因素的復(fù)雜性，這些因素是涉及到全球各地連續(xù)各級(jí)城市變化的。雖然涉及到城市發(fā)展的因素和過(guò)程并不只限于全球局部范圍的任何不相關(guān)等級(jí)，但是“分析等級(jí)”的概念提供了一個(gè)有

25、用的組織框架，從而簡(jiǎn)化了復(fù)雜的真實(shí)世界，并說(shuō)明在不同的空間尺度的城市規(guī)劃所關(guān)注的一些問(wèn)題。我們可以找出五個(gè)主要級(jí)別的分析。The Neighborhood 鄰里The neighborhood is the area immediately around ones home; it usually displays some homogeneity in terms of housing type, ethnicity or socio-cultural values. Neighborhoods may offer a locus for the formation of shared in

26、terests and development of community solidarity. Issues of relevance to the urban planner at this 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)level include the processes of local economic decline or revitalization, residential segregation, levels of service provision and the use of neighborhood political organizations as

27、part of the popular struggle to control urban space.鄰里是直接圍繞在你家周圍的區(qū)域，它通常在住房類型、種族或社會(huì)文化價(jià)值觀方面顯示一些同質(zhì)性。鄰里可能會(huì)為共同利益的形成和社區(qū)團(tuán)結(jié)的發(fā)展提供一個(gè)軌跡。對(duì)于在這個(gè)級(jí)別的城市規(guī)劃師，相關(guān)的問(wèn)題還包括當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)衰退或復(fù)蘇、居住隔離、提供服務(wù)水平的過(guò)程和鄰里政治組織的利用，作為人民斗爭(zhēng)以控制城市空間的一部分。The City 城市Cities are centers of economic production and consumption, arenas of social networks and

28、cultural activities, and the seat of government and administration. Urban planners examine the role of a city in the regional, national and international economy, and how the citys socio-spatial form is conditioned by its role (for example, as a financial center or manufacturing base). Study of the

29、distribution of power in the city would focus on the behavior and biases of formal organizations as well as the informal arrangements by which public and private interests operate to influence government decision. The differential socio-spatial distribution of benefits and disbenefits in the city is

30、 also an important area of investigation in urban planning.城市是經(jīng)濟(jì)生產(chǎn)和消耗的中心，社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)和文化活動(dòng)的競(jìng)技場(chǎng)，也是政府和管理的所在地。城市規(guī)劃師調(diào)查一個(gè)城市在地區(qū)、國(guó)家與國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)中的角色以及城市的社會(huì)空間形式怎樣受制于其角色（比如作為一個(gè)金融中心或者生產(chǎn)基地） 。城市中權(quán)力分配的研究將關(guān)注于正規(guī)的組織的行為和偏差以及公共和私人利益非正式的磋商操作影響政府決策。城市中有益和無(wú)益的城市空間分配差別也是城市規(guī)劃中一項(xiàng)重要的調(diào)查領(lǐng)域。精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)The Region 區(qū)域The spread of urban

31、 influence into surrounding rural areas and, in particular, the spatial expansion of cities have introduced concepts such as urban region, metropolis, conurbation10 and megalopolis11 into urban planning. Issues appropriate to this level of analyses include the ecological footprint12 of the city, lan

32、d-use conflict on the urban fringe, growth management strategies and forms of metropolitan governance.城市影響周圍農(nóng)村地區(qū)的傳播，尤其是城市空間擴(kuò)展被引入類似城市地區(qū)、大都市、集合城市、特大城市到城市規(guī)劃的概念對(duì)于這種級(jí)別的分析，問(wèn)題適當(dāng)?shù)陌顺鞘械纳鷳B(tài)足跡、城市邊緣土地利用的沖突、發(fā)展管理策略和大都市管理的形式。The actual rate and amount of a citys growth depends on the size of its economic base. A c

33、itys economic base13 consists of those economic functions that involve the manufacture, processing, or trading of goods or the provision of services for markets beyond the city itself. Activities that provide income-generating exports for a city are termed basic functions14. In contrast, non-basic f

34、unctions15 are those that cater to the citys own population and so do not generate profit from outside customers. Examples of non-basic activities include local newspapers, local bakeries and restaurants, schools and local government.一個(gè)城市發(fā)展的實(shí)際速度和數(shù)量取決于其經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)的規(guī)模。一個(gè)城市的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)是由那些涉及產(chǎn)品制造、加工或交易或者為城市本身以外的市場(chǎng)提供服

35、務(wù)水平的經(jīng)濟(jì)功能組成。為城市提供增收的活動(dòng)叫做基礎(chǔ)功能。相反地，非基精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)礎(chǔ)功能就是那些服務(wù)于城市自身群體，不從外部城市中產(chǎn)生利潤(rùn)的活動(dòng)。非基礎(chǔ)活動(dòng)的例子包括當(dāng)?shù)貓?bào)紙，當(dāng)?shù)氐拿姘旰筒宛^、學(xué)校和當(dāng)?shù)卣he fundamental determinant of cities growth in population, employment, and income in the worlds core countries is the percentage of their economies that is devoted to basic activi

36、ties. The prosperity generated by basic economic activities leads to increased employment in non-basic activities in order to satisfy the demand for housing, utilities, retailing, personal services, and other services. The incomes generated by the combination of basic and non-basic economic activiti

37、es allow for higher potential tax yields, which can be used to improve public utilities, roads, schools, health services, recreational amenities, and other infrastructure improvements. These activities are also non-basic, but they all serve to improve the efficiency and attractiveness of the city fo

38、r further rounds of investment in basic economic activities.在世界核心國(guó)家中城市人口增長(zhǎng)、就業(yè)和收入的基本決定因素在于其致力于基本活動(dòng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)百分比。由基本經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)產(chǎn)生的繁榮將增加非基本活動(dòng)中為了滿足住房需求、公用事業(yè)公司、零售、個(gè)人服務(wù)和其他服務(wù)的就業(yè)。由基本活動(dòng)和非基本經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)的結(jié)合產(chǎn)生的收入估計(jì)有更高的潛在的稅收收益，可以用來(lái)改善公共設(shè)施、道路、學(xué)校、醫(yī)療服務(wù)、休閑娛樂(lè)設(shè)施和其他基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的提高。這些活動(dòng)也是非基本活動(dòng)，但他們都有助于提高城市的效率和吸引力，為進(jìn)一步基本經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)提供循環(huán)投資。How Regional Economic

39、 Cores are Created?區(qū)域經(jīng)濟(jì)核心是怎樣產(chǎn)生的？Regional cores of economic development are created cumulatively, following some initial advantage, through the operation of several of the basic principles of economic geography that we have described. These principles center on external 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)economies

40、16, or agglomeration effects17, that are associated with various kinds of economic linkages and interdependencies. The trigger for these agglomeration effects can be any kind of economic developmentthe establishment of a trading port, or the growth of a local industry or any large-scale enterprise.

41、The external economies and economic linkages generated by such developments represent the initial advantage that tends to stimulate a self-propelling process of local economic development. 區(qū)域經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的核心是累積地，根據(jù)一些最初的優(yōu)勢(shì)，通過(guò)經(jīng)營(yíng)我們所描述的經(jīng)濟(jì)地理一些基本原則而創(chuàng)造的。這些原則集中在在外部經(jīng)濟(jì)，或聚集效應(yīng)，引起各種各樣的經(jīng)濟(jì)聯(lián)系和相互依賴關(guān)系。引發(fā)這些集聚效應(yīng)可以是任何類型的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展-建立一

42、個(gè)貿(mào)易港口，或者一個(gè)當(dāng)?shù)氐漠a(chǎn)業(yè)的增長(zhǎng)或任何大規(guī)模的企業(yè)。外部經(jīng)濟(jì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)聯(lián)系所產(chǎn)生的這種發(fā)展代表了最初的優(yōu)勢(shì)，往往會(huì)刺激當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展過(guò)程的自我推進(jìn)。Given the location of a new economic activity in an area, a number of interrelated effects come into play. Backward linkages develop as new firms arrive to provide the growing industry with components, supplies, specialized ser

43、vices, or facilities. Forward linkages develop as new firms arrive to take the finished products of the growing industry and use them as inputs to their own processing, assembly, finishing, packaging, or distribution operations. Together with the initial growth, the growth in these linked industries

44、 helps to create a threshold of activity large enough to attract ancillary industries and activities (maintenance and repair, recycling, security, and business services, for example).考慮到在一個(gè)地區(qū)一個(gè)新的經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)的位置，許多相關(guān)的效應(yīng)開(kāi)始起作用。新公司發(fā)展后向聯(lián)系到與組件提供增長(zhǎng)的行業(yè)，供應(yīng)專業(yè)服務(wù)或設(shè)施。新公司的前向關(guān)聯(lián)發(fā)展到以產(chǎn)品不斷增長(zhǎng)的工業(yè)和使用它們作為輸入自己的加工、配精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-

45、專注-專業(yè)裝、涂裝、包裝、或分銷業(yè)務(wù)。聯(lián)同最初的成長(zhǎng)，這些鏈接產(chǎn)業(yè)的發(fā)展有助于創(chuàng)建一個(gè)極限（臨界值）足夠大的活動(dòng)來(lái)吸引輔助行業(yè)和活動(dòng)（例如維護(hù)和修理、回收、安全、和商業(yè)服務(wù)） 。The existence of these interrelated activities establishes a pool of specialized labor with the kinds of skills and experience that make the area attractive to still more firms. Meanwhile, the linkages between a

46、ll these firms help to promote interaction between professional and technical personnel, and allow for the area to support R & D (research and development) facilities, research institutes, and so on, thus increasing the likelihood of local inventions and innovations that might further stimulate

47、local economic development.存在這些相互關(guān)聯(lián)的活動(dòng)建立許多專業(yè)勞動(dòng)與類型的技能和經(jīng)驗(yàn)，使該地區(qū)吸引更多的公司。與此同時(shí)，這些公司之間的聯(lián)系，有助于促進(jìn)專業(yè)技術(shù)人員之間的互動(dòng)，并允許該地區(qū)支持（研究與開(kāi)發(fā)）設(shè)施、研究機(jī)構(gòu)等，從而增加了當(dāng)?shù)氐陌l(fā)展與創(chuàng)新的可能性，可能會(huì)進(jìn)一步刺激當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。Another part of the spiral of local economic growth is a result of the increase in population represented by the families of employees. Their p

48、resence creates a demand for housing, utilities, physical infrastructure, retailing, personal services, and so onall of which generated additional jobs. This expansion, in turn, helps to create populations large enough to attract an even wider variety and more sophisticated kinds of services and ame

49、nities. Lastbut by no means leastthe overall growth in local employment creates a larger local tax base. The local government can then provide improved public utilities, roads, schools, health services, recreational amenities, and so on, all which serve to intensify agglomeration economies and so en

50、hance the competitiveness of the area in being able to attract further rounds of investment.精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)另一部分的當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的螺旋是由于人口的增長(zhǎng)為代表的家庭的員工。他們的出現(xiàn)創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)住房需求、公用事業(yè)、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、零售、個(gè)人服務(wù)，所以在所有的額外的工作產(chǎn)生。這種擴(kuò)張反過(guò)來(lái)有助于創(chuàng)建數(shù)量大到足以吸引一個(gè)更廣泛和更復(fù)雜的類型的服務(wù)和設(shè)施。最后，但絕非至少在當(dāng)?shù)鼐蜆I(yè)的整體增長(zhǎng)創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)更大的地方稅收。當(dāng)?shù)卣梢蕴峁└纳乒苍O(shè)施、道路、學(xué)校、醫(yī)療服務(wù)、休閑娛樂(lè)設(shè)施等，都為加強(qiáng)

51、聚集經(jīng)濟(jì)，因此提高競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的區(qū)域能夠吸引進(jìn)一步輪投資。2. 3 What is Planning Theory? 什么是規(guī)劃理論P(yáng)lanning theory is an elusive18 subject of study. It draws on a variety of 精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)disciplines and has no widely accepted canon. 規(guī)劃理論的研究是一個(gè)難以琢摩的主題。它借鑒了多種學(xué)科，仍然沒(méi)有普適標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。We see the central question of planning theory as the follo

52、wing: What role can planning play in developing the city and region within the constraints of a capitalist political economy and a democratic political system? The emphasis is not on developing a model planning process but rather on finding an explanation for planning practice based on analyses of t

53、he respective political economies. Our effort is to determine the historical and contextual influences and strategic opportunities that shape the capacity of planners to affect the urban and regional environment.我們看到規(guī)劃理論的中心問(wèn)題如下：規(guī)劃在開(kāi)發(fā)受資本政治經(jīng)濟(jì)和民主政治體系約束的城市中充當(dāng)了什么樣的角色。重點(diǎn)不在于開(kāi)發(fā)一個(gè)模型規(guī)劃過(guò)程，而在于找到一個(gè)解釋說(shuō)明規(guī)劃實(shí)踐是基于對(duì)各自

54、的政治經(jīng)濟(jì)分析的基礎(chǔ)上的。我們的工作是確定歷史文本的影響和戰(zhàn)略機(jī)遇，塑造規(guī)劃師的能力來(lái)影響城市和地區(qū)的環(huán)境。What is Planning Theory?什么是規(guī)劃理論It is not easy to define planning theory; the subject is slippery, and explanations are often frustratingly tautological or disappointingly pedestrian19. There are four principal reasons for this difficulty. First,

55、many of the fundamental questions concerning planning belong to a much broader inquiry concerning the role of the state in social and social transformation. Consequently, planning theory appears to overlap with theory, in all the social science disciplines, and it becomes hard to limit its scope 精選優(yōu)

56、質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)or to stake out a turf（地盤、勢(shì)力范圍） specific to planning. Second, the boundary between planners and related professionals (such as real estate developers, architects, city council members) is not mutually exclusive（相互排斥的;互不相容的）; planners dont just plan, and nonplanners also plan. Third

57、, the field of planning is divided into those who define it according to its object (land-use patterns of the built and natural environments) and those who do so by its method (the process of decision making). Finally, many fields are defined by a specific set of methodologies. Yet planning commonly

58、 borrows the diverse methodologies from many different fields, and so its theoretical base cannot easily be drawn from its tools of analysis. Taken together, this considerable disagreement over the scope and function of planning and the problems of defining who is actually a planner obscure the deli

59、neation of an appropriate body of planning theory. Whereas most scholars can agree on what constitutes the economy and the polity and thus what is economic or political theorythey differ as to the content of planning theory.不太容易定義規(guī)劃理論：這門學(xué)科是棘手的，解釋通常是令人沮喪的同義反復(fù)或者是令人失望的平庸無(wú)味。關(guān)于這個(gè)困難這有四個(gè)主要原因。第一，許多關(guān)于規(guī)劃的基本問(wèn)題

60、屬于一個(gè)更廣泛的關(guān)于國(guó)家在社會(huì)和社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)型中角色的調(diào)查。因此，規(guī)劃理論似乎與理論重疊，在所有的社會(huì)科學(xué)學(xué)科中，它變得很難限制其范圍或者堅(jiān)持地盤特定規(guī)劃。第二，規(guī)劃師和相關(guān)專業(yè)人員（比如房地產(chǎn)開(kāi)發(fā)商，建筑師，市政府成員）的界限并不相互排斥；規(guī)劃師不僅規(guī)劃，非規(guī)劃師也規(guī)劃。第三，規(guī)劃的領(lǐng)域被分為那些根據(jù)它的對(duì)象來(lái)定義（土地利用模式的建筑和自然環(huán)境）和那些根據(jù)它的方法（決策的過(guò)程） 。最終，許多領(lǐng)域都有一組方法來(lái)定義，然而，規(guī)劃通常借用了來(lái)自不同領(lǐng)域的不同方法論，因此它的理論基礎(chǔ)不可能簡(jiǎn)單的通過(guò)分析方法來(lái)提取。綜上所述，在規(guī)劃范圍和功能上的相當(dāng)大的分歧和定義誰(shuí)實(shí)際上是一個(gè)規(guī)劃師模糊界定一個(gè)規(guī)劃理論精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔