畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯-消費(fèi)者決策

英文文獻(xiàn)譯文：下面的消費(fèi)者研究將會(huì)說明在一個(gè)消費(fèi)者社會(huì)里很多的消費(fèi)者行為被社會(huì)心理學(xué)家研究，這包括消費(fèi)者刺激和消費(fèi)者行為。因此，消費(fèi)者環(huán)境為社會(huì)現(xiàn)象和行為的研究提供了一個(gè)豐富的領(lǐng)域。消費(fèi)者決策無所不在不管我們?cè)诤螘r(shí)何地，我們都在不停地制定消費(fèi)者決定。我們?cè)诮∩眇^注冊(cè)，經(jīng)常坐飛機(jī)去度假，做體檢，選一個(gè)餐館，為了一個(gè)更健康的生活方式少吃甜食。實(shí)際上，我們的很多日常決定沒有包括較重要的決定，比如，嫁給誰或是否要小孩，但包含了是否喝茶或咖啡，用卡或付現(xiàn)金，或其他的一些瑣碎的決定。而且，我們?nèi)粘５暮芏嘞M(fèi)者行為甚至是無意的。相反，它們可能是出于習(xí)慣，比如打開美國(guó)有線電視新聞網(wǎng)絡(luò)來了解新聞或搜索谷歌來找一些資料。一個(gè)人在一天中充滿了無盡的瑣碎的消費(fèi)決定或者受以前決定的影響，在早上從選擇牙膏的品牌到工作后選擇看哪部電影。消費(fèi)者的選擇影響社會(huì)認(rèn)同感的功能雖然對(duì)大多數(shù)人來說是一個(gè)消費(fèi)者可能不會(huì)確定他們的身份，但他們的消費(fèi)決定仍然是高度身份相關(guān)的，就它們對(duì)應(yīng)到更大的價(jià)值觀和信仰，表達(dá)自我的重要方面。素食主義者是不忍心看到動(dòng)物被殺害和一些人抵制買那些被認(rèn)為是由兒童勞工制成的衣服。一些人買豐田普瑞斯出于是對(duì)環(huán)境的關(guān)注；另一些人抵制日本汽車，比如普瑞斯，是為了幫助當(dāng)?shù)氐钠嚬I(yè)。在這方面，甚至在可口可樂和百事可樂之間選擇是不必要的瑣事。人們不能在盲目的測(cè)試中區(qū)分可口可樂和百事可樂，或他們更喜歡百事可樂，然而可能還是堅(jiān)持可口可樂作為一種文化標(biāo)志。嘗試改變可口可樂的配方會(huì)使反對(duì)者生氣。顯然，消費(fèi)品和品牌不僅滿足實(shí)際的需要。在一個(gè)世界，供過于求和品牌的區(qū)分，很多消費(fèi)者選則品牌是為了表達(dá)他們的個(gè)性或使他們自己屈服于他們的欲望。他們不是簡(jiǎn)單的使用蘋果；他們是蘋果的使用者并認(rèn)為換另一個(gè)牌子的個(gè)人電腦會(huì)像是一個(gè)背叛者一樣。從飲料到電腦，品牌成為一種意識(shí)形態(tài)。人們可能也會(huì)把產(chǎn)品的認(rèn)知作為自身的延伸；比如，他們可能認(rèn)同他們的車就像他們對(duì)待他們的寵物一樣。同樣地，品牌可能會(huì)定義為社會(huì)群。哈利戴維森俱樂部是一個(gè)傳奇的例子；一個(gè)因特網(wǎng)搜索俱樂部揭示幾乎每一種汽車的品牌和型號(hào)。在我的家鄉(xiāng)，我發(fā)現(xiàn)一個(gè)大眾新甲殼蟲俱樂部宣稱要建立新甲殼蟲司機(jī)之間的聯(lián)系，通過組織社會(huì)賽事。在路上，開同一種汽車型號(hào)的司機(jī)經(jīng)常會(huì)相互打招呼。顯然，開同一型號(hào)的汽車足以建立社會(huì)親近感。品牌，產(chǎn)品和消費(fèi)習(xí)慣不僅有益于建立社會(huì)聯(lián)系，而且作為地位標(biāo)志，定義垂直和水平的社會(huì)界限。通過用特別的品牌或消費(fèi)特定的產(chǎn)品，人們可以表達(dá)一種特定的生活方式或嘗試傳遞某種特定的社會(huì)印象。不管你對(duì)飲料的選擇是否是紅酒或是啤酒，卡布齊諾咖啡或花草茶，你的選擇表達(dá)了更多，不僅僅是你對(duì)飲料的品味。消費(fèi)選擇影響社會(huì)知覺假定品牌和產(chǎn)品是社會(huì)表現(xiàn)形式的一部分，這一點(diǎn)也不意外人們?cè)u(píng)判這些通過他們所使用的品牌和產(chǎn)品。特別是產(chǎn)品的社會(huì)認(rèn)知功能被用來依據(jù)目標(biāo)的推理和個(gè)性特征。同樣地，香煙、食物的選擇和食物的攝取量都顯示了影響社會(huì)表達(dá)形式。根據(jù)感知者的次文化，不同的個(gè)性特征被假設(shè)在于吸煙者和不吸煙者的對(duì)比。不同的研究發(fā)現(xiàn)健康的飲食者被認(rèn)為是比那些飲食不健康的人更加的溫和，通常更加受歡迎。一個(gè)喝百事可樂的人和一個(gè)喝可口可樂人的爭(zhēng)論正如一個(gè)凱普萊特和一個(gè)蒙塔古的爭(zhēng)論，當(dāng)然，有點(diǎn)夸張，但很明顯品牌可能把群內(nèi)的成員和群外的成員區(qū)分開來?？赡苓@在青少年中區(qū)別最大，那里的牛仔褲的牌子被確定為酷和大眾化。然而，這種現(xiàn)象不只局限于青年文化，之前的社區(qū)例子就像是被證實(shí)的所定義的共享品牌?？傊?，從濕刮胡刀與干刮胡刀的對(duì)比到開保時(shí)捷與開斯瑪特的對(duì)比，消費(fèi)者行為被用作一種信息在個(gè)人認(rèn)知中。很可能，這樣的信息也一樣用來顯示這些消費(fèi)者的行為。女人身上所穿的皮衣而引起的消費(fèi)是一個(gè)經(jīng)典的例子。消費(fèi)者行為的情感影響顯然，消費(fèi)產(chǎn)品的使用和服務(wù)可能會(huì)讓人感到高興、滿意或生氣、不滿意。人們可能會(huì)從穿一件新衣而體會(huì)到快樂，或者感到痛苦。當(dāng)產(chǎn)品或服務(wù)失敗或引起不便，產(chǎn)品使用只是影響消費(fèi)者情感的一個(gè)因素，僅僅是選擇和適應(yīng)另一種產(chǎn)品的行為。人們享受或不喜歡購(gòu)物的體驗(yàn)，他們可能從在不同產(chǎn)品的自由選擇中得到快樂，在大量的選擇中感到不知所措或感到沮喪。當(dāng)他們?cè)谟邢薜漠a(chǎn)品中找不到滿足他們特殊需要的產(chǎn)品，從這一事實(shí)中，他們都能體會(huì)得到欲望和一個(gè)自尊刺激,即他們能負(fù)擔(dān)得起的某一特定消費(fèi)者的生活方式。很多的日常情感經(jīng)歷的因素包括消費(fèi)者行為在一種或另一種方式中產(chǎn)生。消費(fèi)者環(huán)境提供了獨(dú)一無二的社會(huì)交流但是，我們很少與我們的發(fā)型設(shè)計(jì)師和服務(wù)生產(chǎn)生緊密的聯(lián)系。然而，消費(fèi)者環(huán)境天天提供了很多的社會(huì)交流。同樣，這些相互交流，即使是信念可能會(huì)構(gòu)成一種情感經(jīng)歷的資源?？Х葞煹奈⑿?，商店售貨員的贊美，看門人的友好幫助，這些例子揭示了與消費(fèi)者有關(guān)的相互交流如何使我們感覺良好、值得的、被重視。然而粗暴的反應(yīng)產(chǎn)生相反的效果。而且，這些社會(huì)角色被可能被消費(fèi)者環(huán)境定義為了不是其他角色固有的某些特定的行為，相互交流和經(jīng)驗(yàn)提供了獨(dú)一無二的機(jī)會(huì)。作為一個(gè)顧客或消費(fèi)者使一方得到尊重，禮貌對(duì)待和滿足需求。對(duì)某些人來說，這可能是他們生活的唯一角色是能給他們掌握有限的感覺和讓其他人滿足他們的需求。舉另一個(gè)例子，投訴是社會(huì)交流的一種形式，它通常發(fā)生在消費(fèi)者環(huán)境里。鑒于消費(fèi)者環(huán)境對(duì)社會(huì)經(jīng)驗(yàn)和社會(huì)交流的重要性，消費(fèi)者語境為研究這些社會(huì)行為提供了重要機(jī)會(huì)。不是每一個(gè)消費(fèi)者通過這些階段當(dāng)他們做決定買買東西時(shí)，實(shí)際上，其中的一些階段可能會(huì)跳過，這取決于購(gòu)買物的類型。對(duì)消費(fèi)者進(jìn)行研究的原因，通過理解下列問題幫助公司和機(jī)構(gòu)提高他們的營(yíng)銷策略：消費(fèi)者怎么想、感覺、理由和對(duì)不同物品（如品牌、產(chǎn)品）的篩選的心理；消費(fèi)者的行為當(dāng)他們購(gòu)物或作其他的營(yíng)銷決定；消費(fèi)者知識(shí)或信息獲得能力的限制影響決定和營(yíng)銷結(jié)果；市場(chǎng)營(yíng)銷者們?cè)鯓硬拍苓m應(yīng)和提高他們的營(yíng)銷競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力合營(yíng)銷策略來更有效率的吸引消費(fèi)者。貝爾奇給出了消費(fèi)者行為的官方定義：過程和人們所從事的活動(dòng)當(dāng)他們?yōu)榱藵M足他們的需求進(jìn)行研究、選擇、購(gòu)買、使用、評(píng)價(jià)和處理產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)。行為發(fā)生在個(gè)人或者在此背景下出現(xiàn)的一個(gè)群體或一個(gè)組織。消費(fèi)者行為包括了使用和處理產(chǎn)品以及研究產(chǎn)品怎樣被買。產(chǎn)品的使用一般是市場(chǎng)營(yíng)銷者很感興趣的，因?yàn)檫@可能會(huì)影響一個(gè)產(chǎn)品怎樣處于最佳位置或者我們?cè)跹讲拍芄膭?lì)增加消費(fèi)。尼科西亞模式集中于公司和它的潛在客戶之間的關(guān)系。公司與消費(fèi)者交流通過它的營(yíng)銷信息或廣告和消費(fèi)者對(duì)要買產(chǎn)品的信息的反應(yīng)?？吹竭@個(gè)模式我們將發(fā)現(xiàn)公司和消費(fèi)者之間是相互聯(lián)系的，公司想要影響消費(fèi)者，消費(fèi)者通過他的決定來影響公司決策。三：購(gòu)買行為尼科西亞模式被分為四個(gè)主要領(lǐng)域：領(lǐng)域1：顧客態(tài)度根據(jù)公司的信息。第一個(gè)領(lǐng)域分為兩個(gè)次領(lǐng)域。第一個(gè)次領(lǐng)域處理公司的營(yíng)銷環(huán)境和交流努力這影響顧客的態(tài)度，競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的環(huán)境和目標(biāo)市場(chǎng)的特點(diǎn)。次領(lǐng)域二細(xì)分了顧客的特點(diǎn)，如經(jīng)驗(yàn)，個(gè)性和他怎樣認(rèn)知對(duì)產(chǎn)品的宣傳思想，在這個(gè)階段顧客形成了對(duì)公司產(chǎn)品的態(tài)度根據(jù)他對(duì)產(chǎn)品信息的掌握。領(lǐng)域2：研究和評(píng)價(jià)消費(fèi)者會(huì)開始研究另一個(gè)公司的品牌和評(píng)價(jià)這個(gè)品牌通過對(duì)比其他的牌子。在這種情況下，公司動(dòng)員消費(fèi)者購(gòu)買它的牌子。領(lǐng)域3：購(gòu)買的行為動(dòng)機(jī)的結(jié)果將會(huì)上升通過說服消費(fèi)者從一個(gè)零售商那里購(gòu)買這個(gè)公司的產(chǎn)品。所羅門模型的對(duì)比過程表2.7解釋了一些問題貫穿在消費(fèi)過程的各個(gè)階段。轉(zhuǎn)換在二個(gè)或多個(gè)組織或人里給出或收到一些有價(jià)值的東西，它是市場(chǎng)營(yíng)銷不可或缺的一部分。所羅門也提出了消費(fèi)者行為包含了不同的因素。購(gòu)買產(chǎn)品和使用產(chǎn)品的人可能不是同一個(gè)人。人們可能也會(huì)起到影響購(gòu)買過程的作用。很多市場(chǎng)營(yíng)銷活動(dòng)，他們建議應(yīng)集中適應(yīng)于產(chǎn)品提供目標(biāo)市場(chǎng)需求的特殊環(huán)境。它也一樣會(huì)刺激已經(jīng)存在的需求通過廣告和促銷，而不是創(chuàng)造需求。這些定義和模式到目前為止已經(jīng)被呈現(xiàn)出來了，他們來自普通的市場(chǎng)營(yíng)銷理論。旅游就其本質(zhì)而言是一種服務(wù)而不是一種產(chǎn)品。它可能對(duì)消費(fèi)者行為有很大影響。表2.8消費(fèi)者行為的刺激反應(yīng)模式該模式分離出在購(gòu)買行為方面的激勵(lì)因素和決定因素重要的影響，同時(shí)也強(qiáng)調(diào)某個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)能對(duì)消費(fèi)者購(gòu)買過程使用的溝通渠道。史莫爾發(fā)展一個(gè)模型假設(shè)消費(fèi)者的決策是四種元素的一種結(jié)果如下：旅游刺激，包括導(dǎo)游書，報(bào)道來自其他旅游人員、廣告和促銷旅游行為的個(gè)人的和社會(huì)的決定因素包括動(dòng)機(jī)、要求和期望外部變量，包括旅游目的地的形象，信心貿(mào)易中介機(jī)構(gòu)和一些限制如成本和時(shí)間目的地服務(wù)業(yè)的特點(diǎn)和特征，如在察覺到成本和價(jià)值，景點(diǎn)的范圍和設(shè)施提供的聯(lián)系消費(fèi)者取得積極或消極成見根據(jù)他們具有不同的人口（年齡，性別，宗教）協(xié)會(huì)，社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)（收入，職業(yè)），文化/民族（種族，生活方式），或政治，社會(huì)意識(shí)形態(tài)領(lǐng)域。有形產(chǎn)品的選擇涉及高度（如服裝，珠寶）和良好的服務(wù)，以便與他人共用（例如，禮品，在娛樂性使用的產(chǎn)品）通常是由社會(huì)價(jià)值導(dǎo)向。例如，一個(gè)特定的使汽車是被選中的功能表現(xiàn)比其誘發(fā)的社會(huì)形象。即使產(chǎn)品一般被認(rèn)為是功能性或功利性，往往選擇是基于他們的社會(huì)價(jià)值觀。消費(fèi)情緒是指在產(chǎn)品使用或引起消費(fèi)體驗(yàn)特別的情感反應(yīng)集，所描述的情感體驗(yàn)和表達(dá)（如喜悅，憤怒和恐懼）的獨(dú)特類或相關(guān)，如情緒性范疇的結(jié)構(gòu)尺寸或愉快/不愉快，放松/行動(dòng)，或平靜/激動(dòng)。商品和服務(wù)往往伴隨著（如在觀看恐怖電影引起的恐懼）的情緒反應(yīng)。情感價(jià)值往往與（如宗教，原因）的審美選擇。然而，更多的物質(zhì)和功利的產(chǎn)品似乎也有情感價(jià)值。例如，有些食物引起的童年經(jīng)歷，通過他們與協(xié)會(huì)舒適的感覺。伊扎德（1977）發(fā)展了情感體驗(yàn)的方法，介紹了基本的情感。他用十措詞來區(qū)分情緒基本種類：興趣，喜悅，驚訝，悲傷，憤怒，厭惡，蔑視，恐懼，羞恥和內(nèi)疚。這種方法已被廣泛使用的消費(fèi)者研究。為了實(shí)施人際和個(gè)人建構(gòu)在這個(gè)框架中，我們用可自我意識(shí)的概念來表示消費(fèi)者的反應(yīng)對(duì)社會(huì)的影響。自我意識(shí)被定義為個(gè)人的一貫的趨勢(shì)來直接關(guān)注向內(nèi)或向外。這個(gè)理論識(shí)別了自我意識(shí)的兩種不同類型的人。公開的自我意識(shí)的人特別注重其他人對(duì)他們的外面的看法，私人自我意識(shí)的人更加注重他們內(nèi)心的想法和感受。在這種情況下，我們假設(shè)消費(fèi)的名譽(yù)可能會(huì)不同根據(jù)對(duì)其他人的敏感度。這種提議也和以前的研究一致，它展示了個(gè)人行為有所不同的人取決于他們對(duì)于人際影響的敏感度。杜布瓦和迪凱納強(qiáng)調(diào)說，“我們相信對(duì)消費(fèi)者和品牌兩者之間的直接關(guān)系的分析一種提高理解這樣一種市場(chǎng)的鑰匙?！边@種原始的假設(shè)是那種私人的或公開的卓越產(chǎn)品的價(jià)值來自于這些物件的固有的交際狀況。很多存在的研究強(qiáng)調(diào)的是對(duì)于所扮演的角色地位，在信息交流的關(guān)于他們的擁有者和社會(huì)關(guān)系。英文文獻(xiàn)原文：FrontiersofSocialPsychologyArieW.Kruglanski、JosephP.ForgasFrontiersofSocialPsychologyisanewseriesofdomain-specifichandbooks.Thepurposeofeachvolumeistoprovidereaderswithacutting-edgeoverviewofthemostrecenttheoretical,methodological,andpracticaldevelopmentsinasubstantiveareaofsocialpsychology,ingreaterdepththanispossibleingeneralsocialpsychologyhandbooks.Theeditorsandcontributorsareallinternationallyrenownedscholarswhoseworkisatthecutting-edgeofresearch.Scholarly,yetaccessible,thevolumesintheFrontiersseriesareanessentialresourceforseniorundergraduates,postgraduates,researchers,andpractitioners,andaresuitableastextsinadvancedcoursesinspecificsubareasofsocialpsychology.SomeSocialAspectsofLivinginaConsumerSocietyThefollowingsketcheswillillustratethatinaconsumersocietymuchofthebehaviorstudiedbysocialpsychologistsrelatestoconsumerstimuliandconsumerbehavior.Thus,theconsumercontextprovidesarichfieldforthestudyofsocialphenomenaandbehavior.ConsumerDecisionsAreUbiquitousWhetherweareinthesupermarketornot,weareconstantlymakingconsumerdecisions.Weenrollingyms,useourfrequent-flyermilesforavacationresort,buyhealthcare,choosearestaurant,skipdessertforahealthierlifestyle.Infact,mostofourdailydecisionsdonotinvolveexistentialdecisionssuchaswhomtomarryorwhethertohavechildrenornot,butwhethertohaveteaorcoffee,useourcreditcardorpaycash,orotherseeminglytrivialdecisions.Moreover,manyofourdaily(consumer)behaviorsdonotevenrequireintentionaldecisions.Rather,theymaybehabitual,suchasswitchingtoCNNtogetthenewsoraccessingGooglewhenlookingupsomeinformation.Atypicaldayofatypicalpersonisfilledwithcountlessminorconsumerdecisionsortheconsequencesofpreviousdecisions,startingwiththebrandoftoothpasteinthemorningtochoosingamovieafterwork.ConsumerChoicesFulfillaSocial-IdentityFunctionAlthoughformostpeoplebeingaconsumermaynotbecentraltotheiridentity,manyoftheirconsumerdecisionsareneverthelesshighlyidentity-relevantinsofarastheycorrespondtoalargersetofvaluesandbeliefsandexpressimportantaspectsoftheself.Eatingavegetariandietbecauseonedoesnotwanttoendorsecrueltytoanimalsandboycottingclothespotentiallymadebychildlaborersaresomeexamples.SomepeoplebuyaPriusoutofenvironmentalconcerns;othersboycottJapanesecars—suchasthePrius—inordertohelpthelocalcarindustry.Inthisrespect,eventhechoicebetweenCokeandPepsiisnotnecessarilytrivial.PeoplewhocannotdiscriminateCokefromPepsiinablindtest,orwhopreferPepsi,mayneverthelessadheretoCokeasaculturalicon.AttemptstochangetheformulaofCokemetwithangryprotestsandopposition.Clearly,consumerproductsandbrandsdonotonlyfulfillutilitarianneeds(Olson&Mayo,2000;Shavitt,1990).Inaworldofoversupplyanddifferentiatingbrands,manyconsumerschoosebrandsinordertoexpresstheirpersonalityortoaffiliatethemselveswithdesiredothers.TheydonotsimplyuseaMac;theyareMacusers,andswitchingtoanotherbrandofPCwouldbeakintotreason.Fromsoftdrinkstocomputers,brandsmaybecomeanideology.Peoplemayalsoperceiveofproductsasextendedselves(Belk,1988);forexample,theymayidentifywiththeircarsjustastheydowithpets.Likewise,brandsmaydefinesocialgroups.TheHarley-DavidsonClubisalegendaryexample;anInternetsearchrevealedclubsforalmosteverycarbrandandmodel.Inmyhometown,IfoundaVolkswagenNewBeetleClubwhosestatedpurposeistocultivatecontactsbetweenNewBeetleDriversbyorganizingsocialevents(amongothers,avisittoacarcemetery).Ontheroad,driversofthesamecarmodeloftengreeteachother.Apparently,drivingthesamemodelissufficienttoestablishsocialcloseness.Brands,products,andconsumptionhabitsnotonlyhelptoestablishsocialconnectivitybutalsoserveasstatussymbols,definingverticalandhorizontalsocialboundaries.Byusingparticularbrandsorconsumingspecificproducts,peoplecanexpressacertainlifestyleorattempttoconveyaparticularsocialimpression.Subscribingtotheoperaconveysone’ssocialpositionjustasgoingtoamonstertruckracedoes.Whetheryourchoiceofdrinkiswineorbeer,cappuccinoorherbaltea,yourorderexpressesmorethanmerelyyourtasteinbeverages.ConsumerChoicesAffectSocialPerceptionGiventhatbrandsandproductsarepartofsocialexpression,itisnotsurprisingthatpeoplearejudgedbythebrandsandproductstheyuse.Inparticular,productsofasocial-identityfunctionareusedasbasesforinferencesaboutatarget’spersonalitytraits(Shavitt&Nelson,2000).Likewise,smoking,foodchoiceandamountoffoodintakehaveallbeenshowntoaffectsocialimpressions.Dependingonthesubcultureoftheperceiver(age,country),differentpersonalitytraitsareassumedinsmokerscomparedwithnonsmokers(e.g.,Cooper&Kohn,1989;Jones&Carroll,1998).Variousstudiesfoundthateatersofahealthierdietareperceivedasmorefeminineandingeneraljudgedmorefavorablythaneatersofunhealthyfoods(forareviewseeVartanian,Herman,&Polivy,2007).ArguingthataPepsidrinkeristoaCokedrinkerwhataCapuletwastoaMontagueis,ofcourse,anexaggeration,butclearlybrandsmaydistinguishingroupfromout-groupmembers.Possiblythisismostextremeamongteenagers,wherethebrandofjeansisperceivedtodeterminecoolnessandpopularity.Nevertheless,thephenomenonisnotlimitedtoteenculture,astestifiedbythepreviousexamplesofsocialcommunitiesdefinedbysharedbrands.Insum,fromwetversusdryshavingtodrivingaPorscheversusaSmart,consumerbehaviorisusedasacueinpersonperception.Mostlikely,suchcuesalsomanifestinbehaviortowardtheseconsumers.Physicalattacksonwomenwhowearfurareamostextremeexample.AffectiveConsequencesofConsumerBehaviorObviously,consumptionandtheuseofproductsandservicesmaygivepleasureandsatisfactionordispleasureanddissatisfaction.Peoplemayexperiencejoyfromwearinganewsweaterorsufferemotionalconsequenceswhenproductsorservicesfailorcauseinconvenience.Productuseisonlyonesourceofaffectiveconsumerexperiences.Themereactofchoosingandacquisitionisanother.Peopleenjoyordisliketheexperienceofshopping.Theymaytakepleasurefromthefreedomofsimplychoosingbetweendifferentoptions(e.g.,Botti&Iyengar,2004),feeloverwhelmedandconfusedbyanabundanceofoptions(e.g.,Huffman&Kahn,1998),orfeelfrustratedbyalimitedassortmentthatdoesnotmeettheirparticularneeds(e.g.,Chernev,2003).Theymayexperiencegratificationandaboostinself-esteemfromthefactthattheycanaffordaparticularconsumerlifestyleorgrudgethefactthattheycannot.Manydailysourcesofaffectiveexperiencesinvolveconsumerbehaviorinonewayoranother.TheConsumerContextProvidesUniqueSocialInteractionsGranted,werarelyformdeepandmeaningfulrelationshipswithourhairdressersandwaiters.Still,theconsumercontextaffordsmanysocialinteractionsoveraday.Again,theseinteractions—evenifbrief—mayconstituteasourceofaffectiveexperiences.Thesmileofthebarista,thecomplimentfromtheshop-assistant,andthefriendlyhelpfromtheconciergearejustafewexamplesofhowsuchconsumerrelatedinteractionsmaymakeusfeelgood,worthy,andvalued,whereassnappyandruderesponseshavetheoppositeeffect.Besides,thesocialrolesdefinedbytheconsumercontextmayprovideuniqueopportunitiesforparticularbehaviors,interactions,andexperiencesnotinherentinotherroles.Beingaclientorcustomermakesoneexpectrespect,courtesy,andattendancetoone’sneeds.Forsome,thismaybetheonlyroleintheirlifethatgivesthemalimitedsenseofbeinginchargeandhavingothersmeettheirdemands.Togiveanotherexample,complainingisaformofsocialinteractionthatmostlytakesplacewithintheconsumercontext.Asearchfor“complaintbehavior”inthePsycINFOdatabasefoundthat34outof50entrieswerestudiesfromtheconsumercontext.(Therestmostlyrelatedtohealthcare,whichmaytosomeextentalsobeviewedasconsumercontext.)Giventheimportanceoftheconsumercontexttosocialexperiencesandinteractions,itprovidesaprimeopportunityforstudyingthesesocialbehaviors.ConsumerBehaviorModelsinTourismAnalysisStudy

MuhannadM.AAbdallat,Ph.D.HeshamEl-SayedEl-Emam,Ph.D.DepartmentofTourismandHospitality,FacultyofTourismandArcheologyKingSaudUniversityABSTRACTThetheoriesofconsumerdecision-makingprocessassumethattheconsumer’spurchasedecisionprocessconsistsofstepsthroughwhichthebuyerpassesinpurchasingaproductorservice.However,thismightnotbethecase.Noteveryconsumerpassedthroughallthesestageswhenmakingadecisiontopurchaseandinfact,someofthestagescanbeskippeddependingonthetypeofpurchases.Thereasonsforthestudyofconsumer’shelpsfirmsandorganizationsimprovetheirmarketingstrategiesbyunderstandingissuessuchas:Thepsychologyofhowconsumersthink,feel,reason,andselectbetweendifferentalternatives(e.g.,brands,products);Thepsychologyofhowtheconsumerisinfluencedbyhisorherenvironment(e.g.,culture,family,signs,media);Thebehaviorofconsumerswhileshoppingormakingothermarketingdecisions;Limitationsinconsumerknowledgeorinformationprocessingabilitiesinfluencedecisionsandmarketingoutcome;Howconsumers’motivationanddecisionstrategiesdifferbetweenproducts,thatdifferintheirlevelofimportanceorinterestthattheyentailfortheconsumer;andHowmarketerscanadaptandimprovetheirmarketingcampaignsandmarketingstrategiestomoreeffectivelyreachtheconsumer.2.2ConsumerBehaviorThestudyofconsumerbehaviorfocusesonhowindividualsmakedecisionstospendtheiravailableresources(time,money,effort)onconsumption-relateditems(SchiffmanandKanuk,1997).Thefieldofconsumerbehaviorcoversalotofground.AccordingtoSolomon(1996),consumerbehaviorisastudyoftheprocessesinvolvedwhenindividualsorgroupsselect,purchase,use,ordisposeofproducts,services,ideas,orexperiencestosatisfyneedsanddesires.TheofficialdefinitionofconsumerbehaviorgivenbyBelch(1998)is?theprocessandactivitiespeopleengageinwhensearchingfor,selecting,purchasing,using,evaluating,anddisposingofproductsandservicessoastosatisfytheirneedsanddesires’.Behavioroccurseitherfortheindividual,orinthecontextofagroup,oranorganization.Consumerbehaviorinvolvestheuseanddisposalofproductsaswellasthestudyofhowtheyarepurchased.Productuseisoftenofgreatinteresttothemarketer,becausethismayinfluencehowaproductisbestpositionedorhowwecanencourageincreasedconsumption.Andreason(1965)proposedoneoftheearliestmodelsofconsumerbehavior.ThismodelisshowninFigure2.1.Themodelrecognizestheimportanceofinformationintheconsumerdecision-makingprocess.Italsoemphasizestheimportanceofconsumerattitudesalthoughitfailstoconsiderattitudesinrelationtorepeatpurchasebehavior.Asecondmodel,whichconcentratesonthebuyingdecisionforanewproduct,wasproposedbyNicosia(1976).ThismodelisshowninFigure2.2.Themodelconcentratesonthefirm'sattemptstocommunicatewiththeconsumer,andtheconsumers'predispositiontoactinacertainway.ThesetwofeaturesarereferredtoasFieldOne.Thesecondstageinvolvestheconsumerinasearchevaluationprocess,whichisinfluencedbyattitudes.ThisstageisreferredtoasFieldTwo.TheactualpurchaseprocessisreferredtoasFieldThree,andthepost-purchasefeedbackprocessisreferredtoasFieldFour.Thismodelwascriticizedbycommentatorsbecauseitwasnotempiricallytested(Zaltman,PinsonandAngelman,1973),andbecauseofthefactthatmanyofthevariableswerenotdefined(Lunn,1974).Perhaps,themostfrequentlyquotedofallconsumerbehaviormodelsistheHoward-Shethmodelofbuyerbehavior,whichwasdevelopedin1969.ThismodelisshowninFigure2.3.Themodelisimportantbecauseithighlightstheimportanceofinputstotheconsumerbuyingprocessandsuggestswaysinwhichtheconsumerorderstheseinputsbeforemakingafinaldecision.TheHoward-Shethmodelisnotperfectasitdoesnotexplainallbuyerbehavior.Itishowever,acomprehensivetheoryofbuyerbehaviorthathasbeendevelopedasaresultofempiricalresearch(Horton,1984).SchiffmanandKanuk(1997)mentionedthatmanyearlytheoriesconcerningconsumerbehaviorwerebasedoneconomictheory,onthenotionthatindividualsactrationallytomaximizetheirbenefits(satisfactions)inthepurchaseofgoodsandservices.Aconsumerisgenerallythoughtofasapersonwhoidentifiesaneedordesire,makesapurchase,andthendisposesoftheproductduringthethreestagesintheconsumptionprocessinFigure2.2(Solomon,1996)2.2.5Sheth-NewmanGrossModelofConsumptionValuesAccordingtothismodel,therearefiveconsumptionvaluesinfluencingconsumerchoicebehavior.Thesearefunctional,social,conditional,emotional,andepistemicvalues.Anyorallofthefiveconsumptionvaluesmayinfluencethedecision.Variousdisciplines(includingeconomics,sociology,severalbranchesofpsychology,marketingandconsumerbehavior)havecontributedtheoriesandresearchfindingsrelevanttothesevalues,(Shethetal.1991).EachconsumptionvalueinthetheoryisconsistentwithvariouscomponentsofmodelsadvancedbyMaslow(1970),Katona(1971),Katz(1960),andHanna(1980).Fiveconsumptionvaluesformthecoreofthemodel:Thefirstvalue:FunctionalvalueToShethetal.(1991)thefunctionalvalueofanalternativeisdefinedas:"Theperceivedutilityacquiredfromanalternativeforfunctional,utilitarian,orphysicalperformance.Analternativeacquiresfunctionalvaluethroughthepossessionofsalientfunctional,utilitarian,orphysicalattributes.Functionalvalueismeasuredonaprofileofchoiceattributes."Traditionally,functionalvalueispresumedtobetheprimarydriverofconsumerchoice.ThisassumptionunderlieseconomicutilitytheoryadvancedbyMarshall(1890)andStigler(1950)andpopularlyexpressedintermsof"rationaleconomicman."Analternative’sfunctionalvaluemaybederivedfromitscharacteristicsorattributes,(Ferber,1973)suchasreliability,durability,andprice.Forexample,thedecisiontopurchaseaparticularautomobilemaybebasedonfueleconomyandmaintenancerecord.Byidentifyingthedominantfunctionofaproduct(i.e.,whatbenefitsitprovides),marketerscanemphasizethesebenefitsintheircommunicationandpackaging.Advertisementsrelevanttothefunctionpromptmorefavorablethoughtsaboutwhatisbeingmarketedandcanresultinaheightenedpreferencesforboththeadsandtheproduct,(Solomon1996;160).Katz(1960)developedthefunctionaltheoryofattitudes.Heidentifiesfourattitudesbasedonthefunctionalvalues:Utilitarianfunction.Theutilitarianfunctionisrelatedtothebasicprinciplesofrewardandpunishment.Wedevelopsomeofourattitudetowardproductssimplybasedonwhethertheseproductsprovidepleasureorpain.Value-expressivefunction.Attitudethatperformsavalue-expressivefunctionexpressestheconsumers’centralvaluesorself-concept.Apersonformsaproductattitudenotbecauseofitsobjectivebenefits,butbecauseofwhattheproductsaysabouthimorherasaperson.Ego-defensivefunction.Attitudeformedtoprotecttheperson,eitherfromexternalthreatsorinternalfeelings,performanego-defensivefunction.Exampleofthisfunctionisdeodorantcampaignsthatstressthedire,embarrassingconsequencesofbeingcaughtwithunderarmodorinpublic.Knowledgefunction.Someattitudeisformedasaresultofaneedfororder,structure,ormeaning.Thisneedisoftenpresentwhenapersonisinanambiguoussituationorisconfrontedwithanewproduct.Thesecondvalue:SocialvalueShethetal.(1991;161)definedsocialvalueofanalternativeas:"Theperceivedutilityacquiredfromanalternativeassociationwithoneormorespecificsocialgroups.Analternativeacquiressocialvaluethroughassociationwithpositivelyornegativelystereotypeddemographic,socioeconomic,andcultural-ethnicgroups.Socialvalueismeasuredonaprofilechoiceimagery."Socialimageryreferstoallrelevantprimaryandsecondaryreferencegroupslikelytobesupportiveoftheproductconsumption.Consumersacquirepositiveornegativestereotypesbasedontheirassociationwithvarieddemographic(age,sex,religion),socioeconomic(income,occupation),cultural/ethnic(race,lifestyle),orpolitical,ideologicalsegmentsofsociety.Choicesinvolvinghighlyvisibleproducts(e.g.,clothing,jewelry)andgoodservicetobesharedwithothers(e.g.,gifts,productsusedinentertaining)areoftendrivenbysocialvalues.Forexample,aparticularmakeofautomobileisbeingchosenmoreforthesocialimageevokedthanforitsfunctionalperformance.Evenproductsgenerallythoughttobefunctionalorutilitarian,arefrequentlyselectedbasedontheirsocialvalues.Thethirdvalue:EmotionalvalueShethetal.(1991;161)definedemotionalvalueofanalternativeas:"Theperceivedutilityacquiredfromanalternative’scapacitytoarousefeelingsoraffectivestates.Analternativeacquiresemotionalvaluewhenassociatedwithspecificfeelingsorwhenprecipitatingthosefeelings.Emotionalvaluesaremeasuredonaprofileoffeelingsassociatedwiththealternative."Consumptionemotionreferstothesetofemotionalresponseselicitedspecificallyduringproductusageorconsumptionexperience,asdescribedeitherbythedistinctivecategoriesofemotionalexperienceandexpression(e.g.,joy,anger,andfear)orbythestructuraldimensionsunderlyingemotionalcategoriessuchaspleasantness/unpleasantness,relaxation/action,orcalmness/excitement.Goodsandservicesarefrequentlyassociatedwithemotionalresponses(e.g.thefeararousedwhileviewinghorrormovie).Emotionalvalueisoftenassociatedwithaestheticalternatives(e.g.religion,causes).However,moretangibleandseeminglyutilitarianproductsalsohaveemotionalvalues.Forexample,somefoodsarousefeelingofcomfortthroughtheirassociationwithchildhoodexperiences,andconsumersaresometimessaidtohave"loveaffairs"withtheircars.Anumberofdifferentattemptshavebeenmadetoidentifythevariousemotionsthatpeopleexperience.Izard(1977)developsthetaxonomyofaffectiveexperienceapproachthatdescribesthebasicemotionthatpeoplefeel.Hemeasuresemotionsusingtenfundamentalcategories:interest,joy,surprise,sadness,anger,disgust,contempt,fear,shame,andguilt.Thisapproachhasbeenusedextensivelybyconsumerresearchers,forexample,WestbrookandOliver(1991).Thefourthvalue:EpistemicvalueShethetal.(1991;162)definedepistemicvalueas:"Theperceivedutilityacquiredfromanalternativescapacitytoarousecuriosity,providenovelty,and/orsatisfyadesireforknowledge.Analternativeacquiresepistemicvaluebyitemsreferringtocuriosity,novelty,andknowledge."Epistemicissuesrefertoreasonsthatwouldjustifytheperceivedsatisfactionofcuriosity,knowledge,andexploratoryneedsofferedbytheproductasachangeofpace(somethingnew,different).Entirelynewexperiencecertainlyprovidesepistemicvalue.However,analternativethatprovidesasimplechangeofpacecanalsobeimbuedwithepistemicvalue.Thealternativemaybechosenbecausetheconsumerisboredorsatiatedwithhisorhercurrentbrand(asintryinganewtypeoffood),iscurious(asinvisitinganewshoppingcomplex),orhasadesiretolearn(asinexperiencinganotherculture).Theconceptofepistemicvalueshasbeeninfluencedbytheoryandbyseveralimportantareasofresearch.Exploratory,noveltyseeking,andvarietyseekingmotiveshavebeensuggestedtoactiveproductsearch,trial,andswitchingbehavior,(HowardandSheth1969).OneofthemostsignificantcontributorstothestudyoftheoptimalstimulationandarousalhasbeenBerlyne(1970),whocontendsthatindividualsaredriventomaintainanoptimalorintermediatelevelofstimulation.Finally,Hirschman(1980)hasadvancedinnovativeness,oraconsumedpropensitytoadoptnewproducts.TheFifthvalue:ConditionalvalueShethetal.(1991;162)definedtheconditionalvalueas:"Theperceivedutilityacquiredbyanalternativeistheresultofthespecificsituationorsetofcircumstancesfacingthechoicemaker.Analternativeacquiresconditionalvalueinthepresenceofantecedentphysicalorsocialcontingenciesthatenhanceitsfunctionalorsocialvalue.Conditionalvalueismeasuredonaprofileofchoicecontingencies."Analternative’sutilitywilloftendependonthesituation.Forexample,someproductsonlyhaveseasonalvalue(e.g.,greetingcards),someareassociatedwithonceinalifeevents(e.g.,weddingdress),andsomeareusedonlyinemergencies(e.g.,hospitalservices).Severalareasofinquiryhavealsoinfluencedconditionalvalue.BasedontheconceptofstimulusdynamismadvancedbyHall(1963),Howard(1969)recognizedtheimportanceoflearningthattakesplaceasaresultofexperiencewithagivensituation.HowardandSheth(1969)thenextendedHoward’searlierworkbydefiningtheconstructinhibitorsasnoninternalizedforcesthatimpedebuyers’preferences.TheconceptofinhibitorswasmoreformallydevelopedbySheth(1974)inhismodelofattitude-behaviorrelationshipasanticipatedsituationsandunexpectedevents.Recognizingthatbehaviorcannotbeaccuratelypredictedbasedonattitudeorintentionalone,anumbero