關(guān)于消費(fèi)者行為學(xué)的一些英文譯文及原文

1、 英文文獻(xiàn)譯文：下面的消費(fèi)者研究將會(huì)說明在一個(gè)消費(fèi)者社會(huì)里很多的消費(fèi)者行為被社會(huì)心理學(xué)家研究，這包括消費(fèi)者刺激和消費(fèi)者行為。因此，消費(fèi)者環(huán)境為社會(huì)現(xiàn)象和行為的研究提供了一個(gè)豐富的領(lǐng)域。消費(fèi)者決策無所不在不管我們在何時(shí)何地，我們都在不停地制定消費(fèi)者決定。我們在健身館注冊，經(jīng)常坐飛機(jī)去度假，做體檢，選一個(gè)餐館，為了一個(gè)更健康的生活方式少吃甜食。實(shí)際上，我們的很多日常決定沒有包括較重要的決定，比如，嫁給誰或是否要小孩，但包含了是否喝茶或咖啡，用卡或付現(xiàn)金，或其他的一些瑣碎的決定。而且，我們?nèi)粘５暮芏嘞M(fèi)者行為甚至是無意的。相反，它們可能是出于習(xí)慣，比如打開美國有線電視新聞網(wǎng)絡(luò)來了解新聞或搜索谷歌來找

2、一些資料。一個(gè)人在一天中充滿了無盡的瑣碎的消費(fèi)決定或者受以前決定的影響，在早上從選擇牙膏的品牌到工作后選擇看哪部電影。消費(fèi)者的選擇影響社會(huì)認(rèn)同感的功能雖然對大多數(shù)人來說是一個(gè)消費(fèi)者可能不會(huì)確定他們的身份，但他們的消費(fèi)決定仍然是高度身份相關(guān)的，就它們對應(yīng)到更大的價(jià)值觀和信仰，表達(dá)自我的重要方面。素食主義者是不忍心看到動(dòng)物被殺害和一些人抵制買那些被認(rèn)為是由兒童勞工制成的衣服。一些人買豐田普瑞斯出于是對環(huán)境的關(guān)注；另一些人抵制日本汽車，比如普瑞斯，是為了幫助當(dāng)?shù)氐钠嚬I(yè)。在這方面，甚至在可口可樂和百事可樂之間選擇是不必要的瑣事。人們不能在盲目的測試中區(qū)分可口可樂和百事可樂，或他們更喜歡百事可樂，然

3、而可能還是堅(jiān)持可口可樂作為一種文化標(biāo)志。嘗試改變可口可樂的配方會(huì)使反對者生氣。顯然，消費(fèi)品和品牌不僅滿足實(shí)際的需要。在一個(gè)世界，供過于求和品牌的區(qū)分，很多消費(fèi)者選則品牌是為了表達(dá)他們的個(gè)性或使他們自己屈服于他們的欲望。他們不是簡單的使用蘋果；他們是蘋果的使用者并認(rèn)為換另一個(gè)牌子的個(gè)人電腦會(huì)像是一個(gè)背叛者一樣。從飲料到電腦，品牌成為一種意識(shí)形態(tài)。人們可能也會(huì)把產(chǎn)品的認(rèn)知作為自身的延伸；比如，他們可能認(rèn)同他們的車就像他們對待他們的寵物一樣。同樣地，品牌可能會(huì)定義為社會(huì)群。哈利戴維森 俱樂部是一個(gè)傳奇的例子；一個(gè)因特網(wǎng)搜索俱樂部揭示幾乎每一種汽車的品牌和型號(hào)。在我的家鄉(xiāng)，我發(fā)現(xiàn)一個(gè)大眾新甲殼蟲俱樂部

4、宣稱要建立新甲殼蟲司機(jī)之間的聯(lián)系，通過組織社會(huì)賽事。在路上，開同一種汽車型號(hào)的司機(jī)經(jīng)常會(huì)相互打招呼。顯然，開同一型號(hào)的汽車足以建立社會(huì)親近感。品牌，產(chǎn)品和消費(fèi)習(xí)慣不僅有益于建立社會(huì)聯(lián)系，而且作為地位標(biāo)志，定義垂直和水平的社會(huì)界限。通過用特別的品牌或消費(fèi)特定的產(chǎn)品，人們可以表達(dá)一種特定的生活方式或嘗試傳遞某種特定的社會(huì)印象。不管你對飲料的選擇是否是紅酒或是啤酒，卡布齊諾咖啡或花草茶，你的選擇表達(dá)了更多，不僅僅是你對飲料的品味。消費(fèi)選擇影響社會(huì)知覺假定品牌和產(chǎn)品是社會(huì)表現(xiàn)形式的一部分，這一點(diǎn)也不意外人們評判這些通過他們所使用的品牌和產(chǎn)品。特別是產(chǎn)品的社會(huì)認(rèn)知功能被用來依據(jù)目標(biāo)的推理和個(gè)性特征。同樣

5、地，香煙、食物的選擇和食物的攝取量都顯示了影響社會(huì)表達(dá)形式。根據(jù)感知者的次文化，不同的個(gè)性特征被假設(shè)在于吸煙者和不吸煙者的對比。不同的研究發(fā)現(xiàn)健康的飲食者被認(rèn)為是比那些飲食不健康的人更加的溫和，通常更加受歡迎。一個(gè)喝百事可樂的人和一個(gè)喝可口可樂人的爭論正如一個(gè)凱普萊特和一個(gè)蒙塔古的爭論，當(dāng)然，有點(diǎn)夸張，但很明顯品牌可能把群內(nèi)的成員和群外的成員區(qū)分開來。可能這在青少年中區(qū)別最大，那里的牛仔褲的牌子被確定為酷和大眾化。然而，這種現(xiàn)象不只局限于青年文化，之前的社區(qū)例子就像是被證實(shí)的所定義的共享品牌?？傊?，從濕刮胡刀與干刮胡刀的對比到開保時(shí)捷與開斯瑪特的對比，消費(fèi)者行為被用作一種信息在個(gè)人認(rèn)知中。很可

6、能，這樣的信息也一樣用來顯示這些消費(fèi)者的行為。女人身上所穿的皮衣而引起的消費(fèi)是一個(gè)經(jīng)典的例子。消費(fèi)者行為的情感影響顯然，消費(fèi)產(chǎn)品的使用和服務(wù)可能會(huì)讓人感到高興、滿意或生氣、不滿意。人們可能會(huì)從穿一件新衣而體會(huì)到快樂，或者感到痛苦。當(dāng)產(chǎn)品或服務(wù)失敗或引起不便，產(chǎn)品使用只是影響消費(fèi)者情感的一個(gè)因素，僅僅是選擇和適應(yīng)另一種產(chǎn)品的行為。人們享受或不喜歡購物的體驗(yàn)，他們可能從在不同產(chǎn)品的自由選擇中得到快樂，在大量的選擇中感到不知所措或感到沮喪。當(dāng)他們在有限的產(chǎn)品中找不到滿足他們特殊需要的產(chǎn)品，從這一事實(shí)中，他們都能體會(huì)得到欲望和一個(gè)自尊刺激,即他們能 負(fù)擔(dān)得起的某一特定消費(fèi)者的生活方式。很多的日常情感經(jīng)

7、歷的因素包括消費(fèi)者行為在一種或另一種方式中產(chǎn)生。消費(fèi)者環(huán)境提供了獨(dú)一無二的社會(huì)交流但是，我們很少與我們的發(fā)型設(shè)計(jì)師和服務(wù)生產(chǎn)生緊密的聯(lián)系。 然而，消費(fèi)者環(huán)境天天提供了很多的社會(huì)交流。同樣，這些相互交流，即使是信念可能會(huì)構(gòu)成一種情感經(jīng)歷的資源?？Х葞煹奈⑿Γ痰晔圬泦T的贊美，看門人的友好幫助，這些例子揭示了與消費(fèi)者有關(guān)的相互交流如何使我們感覺良好、值得的、被重視。然而粗暴的反應(yīng)產(chǎn)生相反的效果。而且，這些社會(huì)角色被可能被消費(fèi)者環(huán)境定義為了不是其他角色固有的某些特定的行為，相互交流和經(jīng)驗(yàn)提供了獨(dú)一無二的機(jī)會(huì)。作為一個(gè)顧客或消費(fèi)者使一方得到尊重，禮貌對待和滿足需求。對某些人來說，這可能是他們生活的唯一

8、角色是能給他們掌握有限的感覺和讓其他人滿足他們的需求。舉另一個(gè)例子，投訴是社會(huì)交流的一種形式，它通常發(fā)生在消費(fèi)者環(huán)境里。鑒于消費(fèi)者環(huán)境對社會(huì)經(jīng)驗(yàn)和社會(huì)交流的重要性，消費(fèi)者語境為研究這些社會(huì)行為提供了重要機(jī)會(huì)。不是每一個(gè)消費(fèi)者通過這些階段當(dāng)他們做決定買買東西時(shí)，實(shí)際上，其中的一些階段可能會(huì)跳過，這取決于購買物的類型。對消費(fèi)者進(jìn)行研究的原因，通過理解下列問題幫助公司和機(jī)構(gòu)提高他們的營銷策略：消費(fèi)者怎么想、感覺、理由和對不同物品如品牌、產(chǎn)品的篩選的心理； 消費(fèi)者的行為當(dāng)他們購物或作其他的營銷決定；消費(fèi)者知識(shí)或信息獲得能力的限制影響決定和營銷結(jié)果；市場營銷者們怎樣才能適應(yīng)和提高他們的營銷競爭力合營銷策

9、略來更有效率的吸引消費(fèi)者。貝爾奇給出了消費(fèi)者行為的官方定義：過程和人們所從事的活動(dòng)當(dāng)他們?yōu)榱藵M足他們的需求進(jìn)行研究、選擇、購買、使用、評價(jià)和處理產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)。行為發(fā)生在個(gè)人或者在此背景下出現(xiàn)的一個(gè)群體或一個(gè)組織。消費(fèi)者行為包括了使用和處理產(chǎn)品以及研究產(chǎn)品怎樣被買。產(chǎn)品的使用一般是市場營銷者很感興趣的，因?yàn)檫@可能會(huì)影響一個(gè)產(chǎn)品怎樣處于最佳位置或者我們怎呀才能鼓勵(lì)增加消費(fèi)。尼科西亞模式集中于公司和它的潛在客戶之間的關(guān)系。公司與消費(fèi)者交流通過它的營銷信息或廣告和消費(fèi)者對要買產(chǎn)品的信息的反應(yīng)?？吹竭@個(gè)模式我們將發(fā)現(xiàn) 公司和消費(fèi)者之間是相互聯(lián)系的，公司想要影響消費(fèi)者，消費(fèi)者通過他的決定來影響公司決策。三：

10、購買行為尼科西亞模式被分為四個(gè)主要領(lǐng)域：領(lǐng)域1：顧客態(tài)度根據(jù)公司的信息。第一個(gè)領(lǐng)域分為兩個(gè)次領(lǐng)域。第一個(gè)次領(lǐng)域處理公司的營銷環(huán)境和交流努力這影響顧客的態(tài)度，競爭的環(huán)境和目標(biāo)市場的特點(diǎn)。次領(lǐng)域二細(xì)分了顧客的特點(diǎn)，如經(jīng)驗(yàn)，個(gè)性和他怎樣認(rèn)知對產(chǎn)品的宣傳思想，在這個(gè)階段顧客形成了對公司產(chǎn)品的態(tài)度根據(jù)他對產(chǎn)品信息的掌握。領(lǐng)域2：研究和評價(jià)消費(fèi)者會(huì)開始研究另一個(gè)公司的品牌和評價(jià)這個(gè)品牌通過對比其他的牌子。在這種情況下，公司動(dòng)員消費(fèi)者購買它的牌子。領(lǐng)域3：購買的行為動(dòng)機(jī)的結(jié)果將會(huì)上升通過說服消費(fèi)者從一個(gè)零售商那里購買這個(gè)公司的產(chǎn)品。 所羅門模型的對比過程表2.7解釋了一些問題貫穿在消費(fèi)過程的各個(gè)階段。轉(zhuǎn)換在

11、二個(gè)或多個(gè)組織或人里給出或收到一些有價(jià)值的東西，它是市場營銷不可或缺的一部分。所羅門也提出了消費(fèi)者行為包含了不同的因素。購買產(chǎn)品和使用產(chǎn)品的人可能不是同一個(gè)人。人們可能也會(huì)起到影響購買過程的作用。很多市場營銷活動(dòng)，他們建議應(yīng)集中適應(yīng)于產(chǎn)品提供目標(biāo)市場需求的特殊環(huán)境。它也一樣會(huì)刺激已經(jīng)存在的需求通過廣告和促銷，而不是創(chuàng)造需求。這些定義和模式到目前為止已經(jīng)被呈現(xiàn)出來了，他們來自普通的市場營銷理論。旅游就其本質(zhì)而言是一種服務(wù)而不是一種產(chǎn)品。它可能對消費(fèi)者行為有很大影響。表2.8消費(fèi)者行為的刺激反應(yīng)模式該模式分離出在購買行為方面的激勵(lì)因素和決定因素重要的影響，同時(shí)也強(qiáng)調(diào)某個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)能對消費(fèi)者購買過程使用的

12、溝通渠道。史莫爾發(fā)展一個(gè)模型假設(shè)消費(fèi)者的決策是四種元素的一種結(jié)果如下： 旅游刺激，包括導(dǎo)游書，報(bào)道來自其他旅游人員、廣告和促銷 旅游行為的個(gè)人的和社會(huì)的決定因素包括動(dòng)機(jī)、要求和期望 外部變量，包括旅游目的地的形象，信心貿(mào)易中介機(jī)構(gòu)和一些限制如成本和時(shí)間 目的地服務(wù)業(yè)的特點(diǎn)和特征，如在察覺到成本和價(jià)值，景點(diǎn)的范圍和設(shè)施提供的聯(lián)系消費(fèi)者取得積極或消極成見根據(jù)他們具有不同的人口（年齡，性別，宗教）協(xié)會(huì)，社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)（收入，職業(yè)），文化/民族（種族，生活方式），或政治，社會(huì)意識(shí)形態(tài)領(lǐng)域。有形產(chǎn)品的選擇涉及高度（如服裝，珠寶）和良好的服務(wù)，以便與他人共用（例如，禮品，在娛樂性使用的產(chǎn)品）通常是由社會(huì)價(jià)值導(dǎo)向

13、。例如，一個(gè)特定的使汽車是被選中的功能表現(xiàn)比其誘發(fā)的社會(huì)形象。即使產(chǎn)品一般被認(rèn)為是功能性或功利性，往往選擇是基于他們的社會(huì)價(jià)值觀。消費(fèi)情緒是指在產(chǎn)品使用或引起消費(fèi)體驗(yàn)特別的情感反應(yīng)集，所描述的情感體驗(yàn)和表達(dá)（如喜悅，憤怒和恐懼）的獨(dú)特類或相關(guān)，如情緒性范疇的結(jié)構(gòu)尺寸或愉快/不愉快，放松/行動(dòng)，或平靜/激動(dòng)。商品和服務(wù)往往伴隨著（如在觀看恐怖電影引起的恐懼）的情緒反應(yīng)。情感價(jià)值往往與（如宗教，原因）的審美選擇。然而，更多的物質(zhì)和功利的產(chǎn)品似乎也有情感價(jià)值。例如，有些食物引起的童年經(jīng)歷，通過他們與協(xié)會(huì)舒適的感覺。伊扎德（1977）發(fā)展了情感體驗(yàn)的方法，介紹了基本的情感。他用十措詞來區(qū)分情緒基本種類

14、：興趣，喜悅，驚訝，悲傷，憤怒，厭惡，蔑視，恐懼，羞恥和內(nèi)疚。這種方法已被廣泛使用的消費(fèi)者研究。為了實(shí)施人際和個(gè)人建構(gòu)在這個(gè)框架中，我們用可自我意識(shí)的概念來表示消費(fèi)者的反應(yīng)對社會(huì)的影響。自我意識(shí)被定義為個(gè)人的一貫的趨勢來直接關(guān)注向內(nèi)或向外。這個(gè)理論識(shí)別了自我意識(shí)的兩種不同類型的人。公開的自我意識(shí)的人特別注重其他人對他們的外面的看法，私人自我意識(shí)的人更加注重他們內(nèi)心的想法和感受。在這種情況下，我們假設(shè)消費(fèi)的名譽(yù)可能會(huì)不同根據(jù)對其他人的敏感度。這種提議也和以前的研究一致，它展示了個(gè)人行為有所不同的人取決于他們對于人際影響的敏感度。杜布瓦和迪凱納強(qiáng)調(diào)說，“我們相信對消費(fèi)者和品牌兩者之間的直接關(guān)系的分

15、析一種提高理解這樣一種市場的鑰匙?！边@種原始的假設(shè)是那種私人的或公開的卓越產(chǎn)品的價(jià)值來自于這些物件的固有的交際狀況。很多存在的研究強(qiáng)調(diào)的是對于所 扮演的角色地位，在信息交流的關(guān)于他們的擁有者和社會(huì)關(guān)系。英文文獻(xiàn)原文：frontiers of social psychologyarie w. kruglanski 、joseph p. forgasfrontiers of social psychology is a new series of domain-specific handbooks. the purpose of each volume is to provide readers

16、with a cutting-edge overview of themost recent theoretical, methodological, and practical developments in a substantive area of social psychology, in greater depth than is possible in general social psychology handbooks. the editors and contributors are all internationally renownedscholars whose wor

17、k is at the cutting-edge of research.scholarly, yet accessible, the volumes in the frontiers series are an essential resource for senior undergraduates, postgraduates, researchers, and practitioners, and are suitable as texts in advanced courses in specific subareas of social psychology.some social

18、asp ects of living in a consumer societythe following sketches will illustrate that in a consumer society much of the behavior studied by social psychologists relates to consumer stimuli and consumer behavior. thus, the consumer context provides a rich field for the study of social phenomena and beh

19、avior.consumer decisions are ubiquitouswhether we are in the supermarket or not, we are constantly making consumer decisions. we enroll in gyms, use our frequent-flyer miles for a vacation resort, buy health care, choose a restaurant, skip dessert for a healthier lifestyle. in fact, most of our dail

20、y decisions do not involve existential decisions such as whom to marry or whether to have children or not, but whether to have tea or coffee, use our credit card or pay cash, or other seemingly trivial decisions. moreover, many of our daily (consumer) behaviors do not even require intentional decisi

21、ons. rather, they may be habitual, such as switching to cnn to get the news or accessing google when looking up some information. a typical day of a typical person is filled with countless minor consumer decisions or the consequences of previous decisions, starting with the brand of toothpaste in th

22、e morning to choosing a movie after work. consumer choices fulfill a social-identity functionalthough for most people being a consumer may not be central to their identity, many of their consumer decisions are nevertheless highly identity-relevant insofar as they correspond to a larger set of values

23、 and beliefs and express important aspects of the self. eating a vegetarian diet because one does not want to endorse cruelty to animals and boycotting clothes potentially made by child laborers are some examples. some people buy a prius out of environmental concerns; others boycott japanese carssuc

24、h as the priusin order to help the local car industry. in this respect, even the choice between coke and pepsi is not necessarily trivial. people who cannot discriminate coke from pepsi in a blind test, or who prefer pepsi, may nevertheless adhere to coke as a cultural icon. attempts to change the f

25、ormula of coke met with angry protests and opposition. clearly, consumer products and brands do not only fulfill utilitarian needs (olson & mayo, 2000; shavitt, 1990). in a world of oversupply and differentiating brands, many consumers choose brands in order to express their personality or to af

26、filiate themselves with desired others. they do not simply use a mac; they are mac users, and switching to another brand of pc would be akin to treason. from soft drinks to computers, brands may become an ideology. people may also perceive of products as extended selves (belk, 1988); for example, th

27、ey may identify with their cars just as they do with pets. likewise, brands may define social groups. the harley-davidson club is a legendary example; an internet search revealed clubs for almost every car brand and model. in my hometown, i found a volkswagen new beetle club whose stated purpose is

28、to cultivate contacts between new beetle drivers by organizing social events (among others, a visit to a car cemetery). on the road, drivers of the same car model often greet each other. apparently, driving the same model is sufficient to establish social closeness. brands, products, and consumption

29、 habits not only help to establish social connectivity but also serve as status symbols, defining vertical and horizontal social boundaries. by using particular brands or consuming specific products, people can express a certain lifestyle or attempt to convey a particular social impression. subscrib

30、ing to the opera conveys ones social position just as going to a monster truck race does. whether your choice of drink is wine or beer, cappuccino or herbal tea, your order expresses more than merely your taste in beverages. consumer choices affect social perception given that brands and products ar

31、e part of social expression, it is not surprisingthat people are judged by the brands and products they use. in particular, products of a social-identity function are used as bases for inferences about a targets personality traits (shavitt & nelson, 2000). likewise, smoking, food choice and amou

32、nt of food intake have all been shown to affect social impressions. depending on the subculture of the perceiver (age, country), different personality traits are assumed in smokers compared with nonsmokers (e.g., cooper & kohn, 1989; jones & carroll, 1998). various studies found that eaters

33、of a healthier diet are perceived as more feminine and in general judged more favorably than eaters of unhealthy foods (for a review see vartanian, herman, & polivy, 2007). arguing that a pepsi drinker is to a coke drinker what a capulet was to a montague is, of course, an exaggeration, but clea

34、rly brands may distinguish ingroup from out-group members. possibly this is most extreme among teenagers, where the brand of jeans is perceived to determine coolness and popularity. nevertheless, the phenomenon is not limited to teen culture, as testified by the previous examples of social communiti

35、es defined by shared brands. in sum, from wet versus dry shaving to driving a porsche versus a smart, consumer behavior is used as a cue in person perception. most likely, such cues also manifest in behavior toward these consumers. physical attacks on women who wear fur are a most extreme example.af

36、fective consequences of consumer behaviorobviously, consumption and the use of products and services may give pleasure and satisfaction or displeasure and dissatisfaction. people may experience joy from wearing a new sweater or suffer emotional consequences when products or services fail or cause in

37、convenience. product use is only one source of affective consumer experiences. the mere act of choosing and acquisition is another. people enjoy or dislike the experience of shopping. they may take pleasure from the freedom of simply choosing between different options (e.g., botti & iyengar, 200

38、4), feel overwhelmed and confused by an abundance of options (e.g., huffman & kahn, 1998), or feel frustrated by a limited assortment that does not meet their particular needs (e.g., chernev, 2003). they may experience gratification and a boost in self-esteem from the fact that they can afford a

39、 particular consumer lifestyle or grudge the fact that they cannot. many daily sources of affective experiences involve consumer behavior in one way or another. the consumer context provides unique social interactionsgranted, we rarely form deep and meaningful relationships with our hairdressers and

40、 waiters. still, the consumer context affords many social interactions over a day. again, these interactionseven if briefmay constitute a source of affective experiences. the smile of the barista, the compliment from the shop-assistant, and the friendly help from the concierge are just a few example

41、s of how such consumerrelated interactions may make us feel good, worthy, and valued, whereas snappy and rude responses have the opposite effect. besides, the social roles defined by the consumer context may provide unique opportunities for particular behaviors, interactions, and experiences not inh

42、erent in other roles. being a client or customer makes one expect respect, courtesy, and attendance to ones needs. for some, this may be the only role in their life that gives them a limited sense of being in charge and having others meet their demands. to give another example, complaining is a form

43、 of social interaction that mostly takes place within the consumer context. a search for complaint behavior in the psycinfo database found that 34 out of 50 entries were studies from the consumer context. (the rest mostly related to health care, which may to some extent also be viewed as consumer co

44、ntext.) given the importance of the consumer context to social experiences and interactions, it provides a prime opportunity for studying these social behaviors. consumer behavior models in tourism analysis studymuhannad m.a abdallat, ph.d.hesham el sayed el - emam, ph.d.department of tourism and ho

45、spitality, faculty of tourism and archeology kingsaud universityabstractthe theories of consumer decision-making process assume that the consumers purchase decision process consists of steps through which the buyer passes in purchasing a product or service. however, this might not be the case. not e

46、very consumer passed through all these stages when making a decision to purchase and in fact, some of the stages can be skipped depending on the type of purchases. the reasons for the study of consumers helps firms and organizations improve their marketing strategies by understanding issues such as:

47、the psychology of how consumers think, feel, reason, and select between different alternatives (e.g., brands, products);the psychology of how the consumer is influenced by his or her environment (e.g., culture, family, signs, media);the behavior of consumers while shopping or making other marketing

48、decisions; limitations in consumer knowledge or information processing abilities influence decisions and marketing outcome;how consumers motivation and decision strategies differ between products, that differ in their level of importance or interest that they entail for the consumer; and how markete

49、rs can adapt and improve their marketing campaigns and marketing strategies to more effectively reach the consumer.2.2 consumer behaviorthe study of consumer behavior focuses on how individuals make decisions to spend their available resources (time, money, effort) on consumption-related items (schi

50、ffman and kanuk, 1997). the field of consumer behavior covers a lot of ground. according to solomon (1996), consumer behavior is a study of the processes involved when individuals or groups select, purchase, use, or dispose of products, services, ideas, or experiences to satisfy needs and desires.th

51、e official definition of consumer behavior given by belch (1998) is the process and activities people engage in when searching for, selecting, purchasing, using, evaluating, and disposing of products and services so as to satisfy their needs and desires. behavior occurs either for the individual, or

52、 in the context of a group, or an organization. consumer behavior involves the use and disposal of products as well as the study of how they are purchased. product use is often of great interest to the marketer, because this may influence how a product is best positioned or how we can encourage incr

53、eased consumption.andreason (1965) proposed one of the earliest models of consumer behavior. this model is shown in figure 2.1.the model recognizes the importance of information in the consumer decision-making process. it also emphasizes the importance of consumer attitudes although it fails to cons

54、ider attitudes in relation to repeat purchase behavior. a second model, which concentrates on the buying decision for a new product, was proposed by nicosia (1976). this model is shown in figure 2.2. the model concentrates on the firms attempts to communicate with the consumer, and the consumers pre

55、disposition to act in a certain way. these two features are referred to as field one. the second stage involves the consumer in a search evaluation process, which is influenced by attitudes. this stage is referred to as field two. the actual purchase process is referred to as field three, and the po

56、st-purchase feedback process is referred to as field four. this model was criticized by commentators because it was not empirically tested (zaltman, pinson and angelman, 1973), and because of the fact that many of the variables were not defined (lunn, 1974).perhaps, the most frequently quoted of all

57、 consumer behavior models is the howard-sheth model of buyer behavior, which was developed in 1969. this model is shown in figure 2.3. the model is important because it highlights the importance of inputs to the consumer buying process and suggests ways in which the consumer orders these inputs befo

58、re making a final decision. the howard-sheth model is not perfect as it does not explain all buyer behavior. it is however, a comprehensive theory of buyer behavior that has been developed as a result of empirical research (horton, 1984).schiffman and kanuk (1997) mentioned that many early theories

59、concerning consumer behavior were based on economic theory, on the notion that individuals act rationally to maximize their benefits (satisfactions) in the purchase of goods and services. a consumer is generally thought of as a person who identifies a need or desire, makes a purchase, and then disposes of the product during the three stages in the consumption process in fi