[英語(yǔ)學(xué)習(xí)]建筑專業(yè)英語(yǔ)

1、建筑類專業(yè)英語(yǔ)班級(jí)：建筑0752 姓名：魏雪梅 學(xué)號(hào)：08號(hào) 指導(dǎo)教師：孟光偉 roof gardena vast part of the earths surface, in a town, consists of roofs. couple this with the fact that the total area of a town which can be exposed to the sun is finite, and you will realized that it is natural, and indeed essential, to make roofs which t

2、ake advantage of the sun and the air. however, we know that the flat shape is quite unnatural for roofs from psychological, structural, and climatic point of view. it is therefore sensible to use a flat roof only where the roof will actually become a garden or an outdoor room; to make as many of the

3、se “useful” roofs as possible; but to make all other roofs, which cannot be used, the sloping, vaulted, shell-like structures specified by sheltering roof and roof vault.here is a rule of thumb: if possible, make at least one small roof garden in every building, more if you are sure people will actu

4、ally use them. make the remaining roofs steep roofs. the roof gardens which work are almost always at the same level as some indoor rooms. this means that at least some part of the buildings roofs will always be steep. we shall expect, then, that this pattern will generate roof gardens and steep roo

5、fs are mixed in almost every building.we now consider the flat roof, briefly, on its own terms. flat roof gardens have always been prevalent in dry, warm climates, where they can be made into livable environments. in the dense parts of towns in mediterranean climates, nearly every roof is habitable:

6、 they are full of green, private screens, with lovely views, places to cook out and eat and sleep. and even in temperate climates they are beautiful. they can be designed as rooms without ceiling, places that are protected from the wind, but open to the sky.however, the flat roofs that have become a

7、rchitectural fads during the last 40 years are quite another matter. gray grave covered asphalt structures, these flat roofs are very rarely useful places; they are not gardens. and taken as a whole, they do not meet the psychological requirements. to make the flat parts of roofs truly useful, and c

8、ompatible with the need for sloping roofs, it seems necessary to build flat roof gardens off the indoor parts of the buildings. in other words, do not make them the highest parts of the roof slope; and make it possible to walk out to the roof garden from an interior room, without climbing special st

9、airs. we have found that roof gardens that have this relationship are used far more intensely than those rooftops which must be reached by climbing stairs. the explanation is obvious: it is far more comfortable to walk straight out onto a roof and feel the comfort of the building behind and to one s

10、ide of you, than it is to climb up to a place you cannot see.it is, therefore, suggested to make parts of almost every roof system usable as roof gardens. make these parts flat; perhaps terraced for planting, with places to sit and sleep, private places. place the roof gardens at various stories, an

11、d always make it possible to walk directly out onto the garden from some lived-in part of the building.文章出處建筑類專業(yè)英語(yǔ)-建筑學(xué)與城市規(guī)劃第68-69頁(yè)。early housing in ancient times, housing developed largely without any central planning or control .many towns and cities were encircled by fortified walls for military p

12、rotection. urban dwelling, even including the houses of the rich, tended to be closely crowded together within the walls. in the countryside the typical community was the village, often a long row of small huts or cottages in which peasant farmers lived. landowning nobles often held country estates.

13、 in the middle ages some of the greater nobility lived in the large fortified castles with courtyards in which the peasants could find protection in case of attack. .as the countryside became more orderly; the wealthy built handsome unfortified houses surrounded by extensive parks. with the coming o

14、f the industrial revolution the cities expanded rapidly to accommodate the influx of many factory workers. much new housing was built by speculators who saw a chance for a quick profit. in the absence of zoning or building restrictions, they often built poorly planned cheap housing that quickly dete

15、riorated into slums. in the united states vast slum areas developed in the larger cities, especially in chicago and new york .somewhat more substantial housing was built by industrial companies for their employees. textile towns and mining towns were company housing communities. as a rule, row house

16、 mad up the streets of the company towns. the houses were drearily identical, ill lighted and often unsanitary. in great britain some steps to improve housing conditions were taken by humanitarian and charitable groups, such as the society for improving the dwellings of the laboring classes, this wa

17、s formed in 1845. government entered the field in 1851 with the passage in britain of the shaftesbury act, legislation that set minimum standards for lower-class housing. in the united states the dangerous and unsanitary conditions of slum living gave rise to the first tenement-house regulation whic

18、h were passed in the new york city in 1867 and revised and strengthened in 1879 and again in 1901. these laws set minimum standards in such mater as light, ventilation, fire protection, and sanitation. laws patterned on the new york city code sprang up in many other parts of the country, with the gr

19、eat depression of the 1930s came a shift in emphasis in housing laws from merely regulating the conditions of housing to providing government aid for the building of low-cost homes. the federal housing administration (fha) was established in 1934 to administer a program of government insurance of lo

20、ans for building house, was empowered to lend up 90 percent of the cost of approved projects to clearly slums and built low-income family housing. in 1947 the functions of a number of housing agencies were absorbed by the housing and home finance agency (hhfa), which was replaced in 1965 by the depa

21、rtment of housing and urban development.文章出處建筑類專業(yè)英語(yǔ)-建筑學(xué)與城市規(guī)劃第15-16頁(yè)。 the language of architecture()window is another word in the architects vocabulary. much of what has been said about doors applies also to windows; both are affective elements in architectural design-strongly affective, since they e

22、voke associations with human acts. looking at a door, however, makes you think of going through it, while looking at a window does not (unless you are a burglar or a desperate stockbroker) ; rather it suggests the act of seeing, which in many respects has a more profound emotional connotation than a

23、pparently we think more of our eyes than of our feet. note, for example, the reflection of this feeling in our verbal language. “the eyes are the windows of the soul.” (pretty poetic, what? but wait.) “her eyes met could be rather uncomfortable if taken literally.) “the window looked out over a broa

24、d valley.” “my bedroom windows faced courtyard.” the use of the word faced in this eyes that their position gives a face to the building-a faade, to use the architectural term.the supposed existence of a face or faade implies also its opposite, rear and sides. all of this is imaginary; it goes with

25、saying, since a building is a neutral whole, having no face, rear, or sides except in our concepts. to a dog seeking a corner appropriate to his purpose these concepts do not exist; he makes his choices on entirely different grounds. still, since architect designs for humans he can make use of the a

26、nthropo morphism which we inevitably apply to everything in our environment, and by the skillful placing of doors and windows give us images of structure “facing” this way or that, welcoming us or rejecting us, impressing us or making us feel important, and so on .incidentally, speaking of importanc

27、e, it should not be overlooked that a large window doses much the same thing as dose a large door: it lends importance to user. a large window means a large room, with a grand view; hence the occupant must be a person of greater stature and dignity than, say, the one who has just a humble casement t

28、o peer through. to give an extreme example, consider the dictator, president, general, or rock-and-roll star who appears on a balcony, framed by a great arched or regimented window. even at the outermost fringes of the cheering crowed he presents an image of mystical greatness. it is the window that

29、 does it of course. the architects who work for celebrities know what they are doing. so do the celebrities who engage them.what about a strip of equally large windows 40 yards long and repeated upward for 110 stories? here again, as with the strip of doors at the entrance to an office building, nei

30、ther the view nor the individual person is of any importance whatsoever, so that once more we have the same feeling of impersonality about the architecture; it cares nothing about us, and we return the sentiment.on occasion unexpected smallness can be used instead of large size to express importance

31、. thus, for example, a tiny show window in which a single piece of jewelry is exhibited may make the jewelry seen more valuable than if it were displayed in a large window, in which its uniqueness would be diminished. or a small, diamond-paned window in a country inn, which might give an impression

32、of snugness and warmth with, may be very much preferable to a large window behind which one feels oneself too easily seen eating or scratching. in short, the architect who designs large plate glass windows for miss katherines cozy kitchen is just as wrong as the one puts cute little bottle-glass one

33、s on the faade of a bickfords cafeteria.much the same sort of expressive functions are performed by the other architectural elements-columns, roofs, steps, railings, and so on. to explain each would be both redundant and self-indulgent; suffice it to say that, no matter how skillfully the architect

34、uses his “word,” it is the quality of the total thought he expresses that matters. if what he has to say is worth saying, the language will be adequate.文章出處建筑類專業(yè)英語(yǔ)-建筑學(xué)與城市規(guī)劃第27-28頁(yè)。譯文：屋頂花園在城鎮(zhèn)，地球表面的大部分都由屋頂組成。城市中能夠暴露在陽(yáng)光中的總面積非常有限，把這個(gè)事實(shí)與上述現(xiàn)象聯(lián)想起來，你就會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)到修建可以充分利用陽(yáng)光、空氣的屋頂是十分自然而重要的了。然而，我們知道對(duì)于屋頂來說在心理、結(jié)構(gòu)、氣候方面我們

35、認(rèn)為平面形狀是非常不自然的。因此，使用平屋頂是非常敏感的，僅僅是在屋頂實(shí)際上變成花園或是室外空間使用，盡可能的充分利用屋頂；將所有的其他不能利用的屋頂修筑成符合遮蔽形屋頂，穹頂規(guī)格的坡式、拱式和殼式結(jié)構(gòu)。這有個(gè)規(guī)定：假如可能的話，在每棟樓的屋頂上至少建設(shè)一個(gè)屋頂花園，建設(shè)更多的屋頂花園以確保人們將會(huì)利用它們。保留陡的屋面。這意味著樓頂?shù)闹辽僖恍〔糠謱⒖偸嵌盖偷摹Ｈ缓?，我將?huì)期望這種形式將會(huì)形成一個(gè)屋頂景觀，這樣屋頂花園和陡峭的屋頂將被結(jié)合在一棟樓中。根據(jù)平屋頂?shù)淖陨項(xiàng)l件，我們來簡(jiǎn)單地研究一下這種屋頂。平屋頂花園總是普遍適應(yīng)干燥溫和的氣候，在這種氣候里，它們能被建成可居住的環(huán)境。在地中海氣候的城

36、鎮(zhèn)的密集地區(qū)，幾乎每個(gè)屋頂都是適合居住的：它們是充滿綠色的，有獨(dú)立的銀幕似地視野，能夠煮飯、吃飯、睡覺的地方。甚至在這種溫度的氣候中。它們是美麗的，它們能被設(shè)計(jì)成沒有雨蓬的房間，它們是防風(fēng)的，但是也可以敞開面向天空。然而，以往40年間形成的建筑風(fēng)尚的那種平屋頂則是另外一碼事?；疑纳暗[覆蓋著瀝青結(jié)構(gòu)，這些平屋頂很少利用，它們上沒建花園。整體來說，它們是不能滿足人們的心理需求的。為了使屋面的平的地方充分利用，為了與斜屋面相結(jié)合，看起來非常必要在室外修建平屋頂花園。另一方面，不使它們成為屋頂最高的部分；讓最高的部分傾斜，盡可能地能從內(nèi)部房間直接走進(jìn)屋頂花園，不用爬特殊的樓梯。我們已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)屋頂花園與

37、這些直接爬樓梯上屋頂有著緊密的聯(lián)系。原因很清楚；直接從室內(nèi)走到屋頂平臺(tái)上，領(lǐng)受建筑在你身后和耳旁所提供的逸樂總比爬上一處在下邊看不著的地方舒服的多。因此，嘗試在每個(gè)屋頂建部分屋頂花園，使這些平屋面盡可能地成階梯行種植，有睡覺和休息的私人場(chǎng)所。屋頂花園有各種各樣的故事，總是盡可能的從樓的居住空間直接走上屋頂花園。文章出處建筑類專業(yè)英語(yǔ)-建筑學(xué)與城市規(guī)劃第68-69頁(yè)。早起住房在古代，住房沒有任何重要的計(jì)劃和控制的很快的發(fā)展。許多城鎮(zhèn)和城市因?yàn)檐娛路雷o(hù)被一些有設(shè)防的城墻包圍著。城市的房屋甚至包括一些富有的公寓，都有趨向于被精密的包圍在城墻里。在鄉(xiāng)村典型的社區(qū)就是村莊，經(jīng)常是住著農(nóng)民的長(zhǎng)排的小茅屋和

38、村舍。擁有土地的貴族經(jīng)常掌握國(guó)家的莊園。在中世紀(jì)，更多的貴族居住在擁有庭院的大的有設(shè)防的城堡里，在這里能夠受到保護(hù)以防外來襲擊。隨著農(nóng)村治安狀況變得越來越好，有錢人就修建了不設(shè)防的四周只是名貴花園的漂亮房子。隨著工業(yè)革命的到來，城市迅速擴(kuò)展，以便容納涌入工廠當(dāng)工人的人們。許多新的住房由一些看見有機(jī)會(huì)賺錢的投資商建設(shè)。由于缺乏限制建設(shè)或區(qū)域管理因素，他們經(jīng)常建設(shè)一些廉價(jià)的住房以至于很快就退化成貧民窟。在美國(guó)，廣闊的貧民窟區(qū)域發(fā)展成了更大的城市，尤其是在芝加哥和紐約。一些高級(jí)住房由工業(yè)公司的雇員建設(shè)紡織品城鎮(zhèn)和小的城鎮(zhèn)是住房的社團(tuán)單位。通常，排式平房構(gòu)成排列著公司商號(hào)的城鎮(zhèn)街道，這些住房是同樣的破

39、舊不堪，沒有照明，很不衛(wèi)生。在英國(guó)，提高住房條件的一些措施被慈善家和慈善機(jī)構(gòu)采納，像提高房屋物質(zhì)條件的社團(tuán)，形成于1845年。1851年，英國(guó)通過了沙佛拉伯法，該法令確定了下層社會(huì)的最低住房標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，這樣使得政府也介入了這個(gè)領(lǐng)域。在美國(guó)危險(xiǎn)的不衛(wèi)生條件的貧民住房產(chǎn)生了廉價(jià)房屋的法令，這在1867年紐約城市通行，并且在1879年修正和鞏固并且在1901年又一次修正。這些法令在照明、通風(fēng)、防火、公共衛(wèi)生方面規(guī)定了最低的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。以紐約城市法規(guī)為模式的法令在全國(guó)其他地方也興起來了。隨著20世紀(jì)30年代經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條出現(xiàn)了一個(gè)策略，強(qiáng)調(diào)住房的法令來自于改善住房條件在關(guān)于房屋建設(shè)最低標(biāo)準(zhǔn)方面給政府提供了幫助。聯(lián)邦政

40、府在1934年成立了管理政府關(guān)于房屋的貸款保險(xiǎn)的問題。被授權(quán)在1947年，許多住宅機(jī)構(gòu)房屋管理部門和房屋財(cái)政機(jī)構(gòu)吸納這在1965年由住房部門和城市發(fā)展替代。文章出處建筑類專業(yè)英語(yǔ)-建筑學(xué)與城市規(guī)劃第15-16頁(yè)。建筑語(yǔ)言（)窗在建筑詞匯中式另外一種語(yǔ)言。上述許多對(duì)門的描述對(duì)窗也適用；這兩樣在建筑設(shè)計(jì)中都是重要的元素-非常重要，因?yàn)樗麄兣c人們的行為習(xí)慣密切相關(guān)?？匆娨簧乳T，使你聯(lián)想到要穿過它，當(dāng)看見一扇窗將不會(huì)這樣想（除非你是一個(gè)夜賊或者是一個(gè)不顧一切的股票經(jīng)紀(jì)人）；這表明通過看表現(xiàn)出的這種行為在許多注意的方面已經(jīng)比走路具有更深的情感涵義。顯然我們用眼睛看到而想到的比我們感覺到的要多。注釋，舉個(gè)