托福閱讀推斷題

1、精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)專心-專注-專業(yè)精選優(yōu)質(zhì)文檔-傾情為你奉上專心-專注-專業(yè)1, How did this tremendous development take place, and why did it happen in the Teotihuacn Valley? Among the main factors are Teotihuacns geographic location on a natural trade route to the south and east of the Valley of Mexico, the obs

2、idian resources in the Teotihuacn Valley itself, and the valleys potential for extensive irrigation灌溉沖洗. The exact role of other factors is much more difficult to pinpointfor instance, Teotihuacns religious significance as a shrine圣地, the historical situation in and around the Valley of Mexico towar

3、d the end of the first millennium B.C., the ingenuity and foresightedness of Teotihuacns elite, and, finally, the impact of natural disasters, such as the volcanic eruptions 火山噴發(fā)of the late first millennium B.C.如此驚人的發(fā)展是如何產(chǎn)生的，它為什么發(fā)生在Teotihuacn山谷？主要因素有：Teotihuacn地理位置處于到墨西哥谷東南部的天然商路上；Teotihuacn谷本身的黑曜石資

4、源；山谷的大量灌溉的潛力。要想說(shuō)清楚其他因素所扮演的角色就難的多了比如，Teotihuacn作為圣地的宗教意義；墨西哥谷及周邊直到公元前第一個(gè)千年的歷史情況；Teotihuacn精英階層的3遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)；最后還有自然災(zāi)害的影響，諸如公元前一千年的火山噴發(fā)。 Which of the following can be inferred from paragraphs 2 and 3 about the Volcanic eruptions of the late first millennium B.C.?以volcanic eruptions of the late firsr millennium

5、B.C.They were more frequent than historians once thought.They may have done more damage to Teotihuacn than to neighboring centers.They may have played a major role in the rise of Teotihuacn.They increased the need for extensive irrigation in the Teotihuacn Valley做關(guān)鍵詞定位至第二段最后一句，這個(gè)是諸多factor當(dāng)中的一個(gè)，而這些fa

6、ctor都是促進(jìn)T城發(fā)展的，所以答案是C。也可以排除法，A無(wú)相關(guān)信息；第三段第三句說(shuō)火山對(duì)T影響很大，沒(méi)跟其他的比較，B錯(cuò)；第二段第二句說(shuō)到了irrigation，但與問(wèn)題無(wú)關(guān)，錯(cuò)This last factor is at least circumstantially implicated in Teotihuacns rise. Prior to 200 B.C., a number of relatively small centers coexisted in and near the Valley of Mexico. Around this time, the largest of

7、 these centers, Cuicuilco, was seriously affected by a volcanic eruption, with much of its agricultural land covered by lava. With Cuicuilco eliminated as a potential rival, any one of a number of relatively modest towns might have emerged as a leading economic and political power in Central Mexico.

8、 The archaeological evidence clearly indicates, though, that Teotiluacan was the center that did arise as the predominant force in the area by the first century A.D. 最后一個(gè)因素至少?gòu)沫h(huán)境上與Teotihuacn古城的崛起有牽連。在公元前200年之前，有很多相對(duì)的小的中心共存于墨西哥谷及附近。大約在此時(shí)，這些中心中的最大者，Cuicuilco，受到了一次火山噴發(fā)的嚴(yán)重影響，它的大部分耕地被火山熔巖所覆蓋。伴隨著Cuicuilco作

9、為一個(gè)潛在對(duì)手的消失，任何一個(gè)相對(duì)較小的城鎮(zhèn)都有可能在中央墨西哥形成領(lǐng)導(dǎo)性的經(jīng)濟(jì)政治力量。盡管考古學(xué)證據(jù)清晰地表明Teotiluacan確實(shí)在公元1世紀(jì)成長(zhǎng)為這一地區(qū)的主要力量。 【 TPO-8 (1) 6# 7#】What can be inferred from paragraph 3 about Cuicuilco prior to 200 B.C.?It was a fairly small city until that date.It was located outside the Valley of Mexico.It emerged rapidly as an economic

10、al and political center.Its economy relied heavily on agriculture.以Cuicuilco做關(guān)鍵詞定位至第三段第二句，說(shuō)Cui這個(gè)地方受火山活動(dòng)影響，農(nóng)田被lava覆蓋，接著一句就說(shuō)Cui消除了，所以沒(méi)有農(nóng)田就沒(méi)有Cui，答案是D。A與原文說(shuō)反，應(yīng)該是大的，不是小的；B的outside和原文中的in說(shuō)反，錯(cuò)；C中的rapidly沒(méi)說(shuō)，錯(cuò)2, Spores light enough to float on the breezes were carried thousands of miles from more ancient lan

11、ds and deposited at random across the bare mountain flanks. A few of these spores found a toehold on the dark, forbidding rocks and grew and began to work their transformation upon the land. Lichens were probably the first successful flora. These are not single individual plants; each one is a symbi

12、otic combination of an alga and a fungus. The algae capture the Suns energy by photosynthesis and store it in organic molecules. The fungi absorb moisture and mineral salts from the rocks, passing these on in waste products that nourish algae. It is significant that the earliest living things that b

13、uilt communities on these islands are examples of symbiosis, a phenomenon that depends upon the close cooperation of two or more forms of life and a principle that is very important in island communities.【TPO-9 (3) 2#】It can be inferred from paragraph 2 that the fungi真菌 in lichens地衣類 benefit from th

14、eir symbiotic relationship共生關(guān)系 with algae藻類 in what way?The algae help the fungi meet some of their energy needs. The algae protect the fungi from the Suns radiation.The algae provide the fungi with greater space for absorbing water.The fungi produce less waste in the presence of algae.以lichen, fung

15、us和algae做關(guān)鍵詞定位至第三句以后，說(shuō)algae捕獲太陽(yáng)能并儲(chǔ)存，而fungi從土壤中吸收礦物質(zhì)，滋養(yǎng)algae。問(wèn)的是fungi如何受益，所以前半句是答案，A正確。B雖然提到sun，但不是保護(hù)，注意不要錯(cuò)選；C和D都沒(méi)說(shuō)3, Just as painted designs on Greek pots may seem today to be purely decorative, whereas然而 in fact they were carefully and precisely worked out so that at the time, their meaning was cle

16、ar, so it is with Chinese pots. To twentieth-century eyes, Chinese pottery may appear merely decorative, yet to the Chinese the form of each object and its adornment裝飾品 had meaning and significance. The dragon represented the emperor, and the phoenix, the empress女皇; the pomegranate石榴 indicated ferti

17、lity,生育，多產(chǎn) and a pair of fish, happiness; mandarin ducks 鴛鴦stood for wedded bliss天賜良緣; the pine tree松樹, peach, and crane 鶴are emblems 象征of long life; and fish leaping from waves indicated success in the civil service examinations公務(wù)員考試. Only when European decorative themes were introduced did these m

18、eanings become obscured or even lost. 【TPO-10 (1) 11#】Paragraph 5 suggests which of the following about the decorations on Chinese pottery陶器? They had more importance for aristocrats貴族 than for ordinary citizens. Their significance may have remained clear had the Chinese not come under foreign influ

19、ence. They contain some of the same images that appear on Greek pots罐子 Their significance is now as clear to twentieth century observers as it was to the early Chinese.問(wèn)題中關(guān)鍵詞不明顯，排除法。A的ordinary citizens和aristocrat原文沒(méi)說(shuō)；B的foreign influence做關(guān)鍵詞定位至最后一句的European，說(shuō)直到引入歐洲theme之后中國(guó)原有的裝飾的意思才被obscure，對(duì)應(yīng)B，沒(méi)有for

20、eign influence那些意思不會(huì)改變，正確；C沒(méi)說(shuō)；D反了，應(yīng)該是ancient更熟悉4, To South Americans, robins are birds that fly north every spring. To North Americans, the robins simply vacation in the south each winter. Furthermore, they fly to very specific places in South America and will often come back to the same trees in No

21、rth American yards the following spring. The question is not why they would leave the cold of winter so much as how they find their way around. The question perplexed people for years, until, in the 1950s, a German scientist named Gustave Kramer provided some answers and. in the process, raised new

22、questions.對(duì)于南美洲的人來(lái)說(shuō)，知更鳥每年春天都會(huì)向北飛。對(duì)于北美的人來(lái)說(shuō)，幾乎每年冬天都要向南飛。還有就是，它們飛往南美特定的地方并且會(huì)在接下來(lái)的春天回到北美林場(chǎng)相同的樹上。與其說(shuō)問(wèn)題是它們?yōu)槭裁磿?huì)在冬天很冷的時(shí)候離開，不如說(shuō)是它們是如何找到路的。許多年來(lái)，人們一直為這個(gè)問(wèn)題所困惑，直到1950 年代，一個(gè)叫Gustave Kramer 的科學(xué)家提供了答案，在這個(gè)過(guò)程中也提出了新的問(wèn)題。 【TPO-11 (2) 1#】Which of the following can be inferred about bird migration from paragraph 1? Birds

23、will take the most direct migratory route to their new habitat. The purpose of migration is to join with larger groups of birds. Bird migration generally involves moving back and forth between north and south. The destination of birds migration can change from year to year.這道題的關(guān)鍵詞明顯不是很好找，而且排除法的話答案又太

24、長(zhǎng)，所以看本段的開頭，說(shuō)南美的鳥春天飛去北方，而北美的鳥冬天飛去南方，所以答案是C，between north and south，其他的選項(xiàng)都沒(méi)有相關(guān)信息5, So, in another set of experiments, Kramer put identical food boxes around the cage, with food in only one of the boxes. The boxes were stationary, and the one containing food was always at the same point of the compass.

25、 However, its position with respect to the surroundings could be changed by revolving either the inner cage containing the birds or the outer walls, which served as the background. As long as the birds could see the Sun, no matter how their surroundings were altered, they went directly to the correc

26、t food box. Whether the box appeared in front of the right wall or the left wall, they showed no signs of confusion. On overcast days, however, the birds were disoriented and had trouble locating their food box. 在另一組實(shí)驗(yàn)中，Kramer在籠子周圍放上好幾個(gè)一摸一樣的食品盒子，但是只有一個(gè)真的有吃的在里面。這些盒子是不動(dòng)的，而且那個(gè)裝有事物的盒子總是在羅盤的同一點(diǎn)處。但是通過(guò)轉(zhuǎn)動(dòng)里面

27、的裝鳥的籠子或者是作為背景的外壁，它相對(duì)于周圍環(huán)境的位置可能會(huì)改變。只要鳥能夠看到太陽(yáng)，不管它們的周遭環(huán)境如何變化，它們都能夠直接找到正確的實(shí)物盒。不管這個(gè)盒子出現(xiàn)在左面外壁的前面還是右邊外壁的前面，它們一點(diǎn)都不迷惑。然而，在陰天的時(shí)候，鳥兒們會(huì)迷失方向并且在定位它們的食物盒時(shí)候遇到麻煩。 【TPO-11 (2) 7#】Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 4 about Kramer s reason for filling one food box and leaving the rest empty? He belie

28、ved the birds would eat food from only one box. He wanted to see whether the Sun alone controlled the birds ability to navigate toward the box with food. He thought that if all the boxes contained food, this would distract the birds from following their migratory route. He needed to test whether the

29、 birds preferred having the food at any particular point of the compass.以food box做關(guān)鍵詞定位至本段倒數(shù)兩句，說(shuō)不管盒子怎么放鳥都不會(huì)暈，但陰天的時(shí)候就會(huì)暈，結(jié)合前文一直在說(shuō)的K做的實(shí)驗(yàn)，說(shuō)明鳥是用太陽(yáng)識(shí)別方向的，所以答案是B，而且這段一開始就說(shuō)another set of experiments所以可以往前看，前一段也在說(shuō)鳥用太陽(yáng)辨別方向，所以這段說(shuō)的只是一系列試驗(yàn)中的一個(gè)，其他沒(méi)說(shuō)6, Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of

30、 differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as

31、far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of groun

32、d-nesting warblers. The eggs “advertised” by the tree-nesters begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters calls. 一項(xiàng)有關(guān)在地上做窩與在在相對(duì)安全的樹上做窩的不同種的刺嘴鶯的乞食叫聲之間的不同的研究提供了進(jìn)一步的證據(jù)。地上做窩的刺嘴鶯的幼鳥發(fā)出的乞食的唧唧聲與樹上做窩的相比頻率更高。這些高頻率的聲音傳播的不遠(yuǎn)，這樣就能夠更好的隱藏發(fā)出這些聲音的幼鳥。這些在地上窩

33、中的幼鳥極容易受到捕食者的傷害。David Haskell做了一個(gè)假的窩，在這個(gè)窩里放上鳥蛋，并且把它們放在播放樹上做窩以及地上做窩的刺嘴鶯的乞食叫聲的錄音機(jī)旁邊。那些因?yàn)闃渖献龈C的刺嘴鶯的乞食聲而受到注意鳥蛋與和地上做窩的刺嘴鶯乞食聲相連的鳥蛋相比被咬食的次數(shù)明顯要多。 【TPO-11 (3) 4#】Paragraph 2 indicates that the begging calls of tree nesting warblers鳴鳥 put them at more risk than ground-nesting warblers experience can be heard f

34、rom a greater distance than those of ground-nesting warblers are more likely to conceal the signaler than those of ground-nesting warblers have higher frequencies than those of ground nesting warblers此題較難，需要閱讀較多內(nèi)容，因?yàn)殛P(guān)鍵詞tree-nestling warblers多次出現(xiàn)。后半段說(shuō)了David的實(shí)驗(yàn)，所以只是一個(gè)事實(shí)，往前看，看到第二句和第三句說(shuō)ground-nestling的鳥

35、發(fā)出的聲音是高頻的，傳播的不遠(yuǎn)，而tree-nestling與之相反，所以答案B傳播的更遠(yuǎn)正確。C和D明顯說(shuō)反；B和C是意思相反的答案。A具有迷惑性，原文只是說(shuō)在試驗(yàn)中tree nestling的鳥蛋被咬得很慘，沒(méi)說(shuō)tree的就一定比ground的危險(xiǎn)7, We all know that many more people today are right-handed than left-handed. Can one trace this same pattern far back in prehistory? Much of the evidence about right-hand ve

36、rsus left-hand dominance comes from stencils and prints found in rock shelters in Australia and elsewhere, and in many Ice Age caves in France, Spain, and Tasmania. When a left hand has been stenciled, this implies that the artist was right-handed, and vice versa. Even though the paint was often spr

37、ayed on by mouth, one can assume that the dominant hand assisted in the operation. One also has to make the assumption that hands were stenciled palm downwarda left hand stenciled palm upward might of course look as if it were a right hand. Of 158 stencils in the French cave of Gargas, 136 have been

38、 identified as left, and only 22 as right; right-handedness was therefore heavily predominant. 我們都知道，活在當(dāng)下的人們更多是使用右手而非左手。能不能在史前查找出這一相似的性狀呢？有太多的來(lái)自澳大利亞地區(qū)的石屋中模板和字跡以及冰河期法國(guó)西班牙以及塔斯馬尼亞地區(qū)的巖洞上搜集到的證據(jù)證明右手較之于左手的優(yōu)勢(shì)。當(dāng)一個(gè)左手被用于塑模時(shí)就反向暗示了*他的工匠慣于使用右手。即使是*一幅畫作需要一個(gè)月左右的噴涂，也可以想象慣用手是如何在這一過(guò)程中起到協(xié)助作用的。另一個(gè)假設(shè)是被用于塑模的手手掌向下-一只左手塑模朝上

39、也許讓它看起來(lái)像一只右手。在法國(guó)Gargas 巖洞中的158 個(gè)模板中，有136 個(gè)鑒定確認(rèn)為左手，只有22 個(gè)是右手；右手習(xí)慣毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)是據(jù)絕對(duì)主導(dǎo)地位的。 【TPO-12 (1) 2#】It can be inferred from paragraph 1 that even when paint was sprayed噴霧 by mouth to make a hand stencil漏字板 there was no way to tell which hand was stenciled the stenciled hand was the weaker hand the stencil

40、ed hand was the dominant hand artists stenciled more images of the dominant hand than they did of the weak以mouth和hand stencil做關(guān)鍵詞定位至倒數(shù)第二和第三句，說(shuō)dominant hand是幫忙的；最后一句又說(shuō)136是左手22是右手，通過(guò)具體數(shù)字說(shuō)明左手比較主要，所以B是答案；注意B和C是一對(duì)相反答案，所以C錯(cuò)，A說(shuō)不知道哪個(gè)主要也就錯(cuò)；D沒(méi)說(shuō)8, Fractures and other cut marks are another source of evidence. R

41、ight-handed soldiers tend to be wounded on the left. The skeleton of a 40- or 50-year-old Nabatean warrior, buried 2,000 years ago in the Negev Desert, Israel, had multiple healed fractures to the skull, the left arm, and the ribs. 斷痕與割痕也是論據(jù)的另一來(lái)源。右撇子勇士一般都是左側(cè)容易受傷。在內(nèi)蓋夫的戈壁中被埋了2000 多年的一個(gè)40-50 歲之間的Nabate

42、an 勇士的骨架，在他的頭部，左臂和肋骨上有多處已愈合的傷痕。 【TPO-12 (1) 7#】Which of the following statements about fractures and cut marks can be inferred from paragraph 4? Fractures and cut marks caused by right-handed soldiers tend to occur on the right side of the injured partys body. The right arm sustains more injuries be

43、cause, as the dominant arm, it is used more actively. In most people, the left side of the body is more vulnerable to injury since it is not defended effectively by the dominant arm. Fractures and cut marks on fossil humans probably occurred after death.以fractures and other cut marks做關(guān)鍵詞定位至第一句，但第一句信

44、息太少，往下看，說(shuō)右撇子士兵傷在左側(cè)，所以正確答案是C。B說(shuō)反，左側(cè)容易受傷；A和D都沒(méi)說(shuō)9, Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is gre

45、atly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.沙漠中并不是完全沒(méi)有降雨，只不過(guò)是變數(shù)很大。通常一年以內(nèi)降雨次數(shù)少于4 次是定義沙漠的限定條件。降水對(duì)沙漠地表和地底的水資源的影響很大程度上取決于地貌。平原和洼地是水源聚集的共同地貌特征，不過(guò)他們只占地表的很小一部分。 【TPO-12 (3) 1#】Which of the following sta

46、tements about annual rainfall can be inferred from paragraph 1? Flat desert areas receive more annual rainfall than desert areas with mountains Areas that receive more than four inches of rain per year are not considered deserts. Many areas receive less than four inches of annual rainfall, but only

47、a few are deserts Annual rainfall has no impact on the groundwater resources of desert areas.以annual rainfall做關(guān)鍵詞定位至第二句，說(shuō)年降雨量少于4 inch的地方被認(rèn)為是沙漠，推斷出相反的一面是年降雨量大于4 inch的地方不是沙漠，也就是B10, People are bound within relationships by two types of bonds: expressive ties and instrumental ties. Expressive ties are

48、social links formed when we emotionally invest ourselves in and commit ourselves to other people. Through association with people who are meaningful to us, we achieve a sense of security, love, acceptance, companionship, and personal worth. Instrumental ties are social links formed when we cooperate

49、 with other people to achieve some goal. Occasionally, this may mean working with instead of against competitors. More often, we simply cooperate with others to reach some end without endowing the relationship with any larger significance. 人與人之間的關(guān)系可以分為兩種：情感紐帶和工具紐帶。情感紐帶在當(dāng)我們感性的與他人交流時(shí)形成的一種社會(huì)聯(lián)系。通過(guò)和對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)

50、十分重要的人交流從而得到的安全感，愛(ài)情，認(rèn)可，友誼和個(gè)人價(jià)值等一系列情感。工具紐帶是但我們?yōu)榱诉_(dá)到一些目標(biāo)而與他人進(jìn)行合作時(shí)產(chǎn)生的社會(huì)聯(lián)系方式。有些時(shí)候，這也許意味著變相與競(jìng)爭(zhēng)者一起共事。更多的時(shí)候我們沒(méi)有發(fā)展出任何更有意義的關(guān)系而只是簡(jiǎn)單的與其他人合作并走向終點(diǎn)?！綯PO-13 (1) 4#】Which of the following can be inferred about instrumental ties from the authors mention of working with competitors in paragraph 2? Instrumental ties ca

51、n develop even in situations in which people would normally not cooperate. Instrumental ties require as much emotional investment as expressive ties. Instrumental ties involve security, love, and acceptance. Instrumental ties should be expected to be significant.11, Sociologists have built on the di

52、stinction between expressive and instrumental ties to distinguish between two types of groups: primary and secondary. A primary group involves two or more people who enjoy a direct, intimate, cohesive relationship with one another. Expressive ties predominate in primary groups; we view the people as

53、 ends in themselves and valuable in their own right. A secondary group entails two or more people who are involved in an impersonal relationship and have come together for a specific, practical purpose. Instrumental ties predominate in secondary groups; we perceive people as means to ends rather tha

54、n as ends in their own right. Sometimes primary group relationships evolve out of secondary group relationships. This happens in many work settings. People on the job often develop close relationships with coworkers as they come to share gripes, jokes, gossip, and satisfactions. 社會(huì)學(xué)家基于感情紐帶與工具紐帶的特征對(duì)兩

55、者進(jìn)行了區(qū)分定義并劃分出兩種類型的群組：主要群組和次要群組。一個(gè)主要社群包含兩個(gè)或更多人，他們都喜歡直接，親密的，有粘性的與他人的關(guān)系。感情紐帶在主要社群中起主導(dǎo)作用。我們審視人的時(shí)候是在他們生命的走到盡頭的時(shí)候，還有他們的個(gè)人價(jià)值。次要群組也需要兩個(gè)以上的不過(guò)是因?yàn)榉莻€(gè)人關(guān)系而且聚到一起都是為了一個(gè)具體的，特定的目標(biāo)。而工具紐帶就在其中起了重要的作用。我們關(guān)注人們?cè)谧詈蟮膬r(jià)值要比他們自己的權(quán)利要多。有時(shí)主要群組的關(guān)系也會(huì)在次要群組中演化出來(lái)。這種現(xiàn)象一般發(fā)生在一些工作安排當(dāng)中。人們?cè)诠餐献髦袝?huì)相互發(fā)牢騷，開玩笑，傳八卦以及滿足感，由此依舊發(fā)展出了親近的關(guān)系?！綯PO-13 (1) 6#】W

56、hich of the following can be inferred from the authors claim in paragraph 3 that primary group relationships sometimes evolve out of 從。演變secondary group relationships? Secondary group relationships begin by being primary group relationships. A secondary group relationship that is highly visible quic

57、kly becomes a primary group relationship. Sociologists believe that only primary group relationships are important to society. Even in secondary groups, frequent communication serves to bring people into close relationships.以evolve out of做關(guān)鍵詞定位至倒數(shù)第三句，但這句話跟問(wèn)題幾乎是完全一樣的，所以不是答案。往后看，this標(biāo)示著上下句之間有聯(lián)系。下句說(shuō)這種e

58、volve發(fā)生在工作背景下，接著說(shuō)同事之間可以通過(guò)share各種東西變成非常親密的朋友，也就是secondary變primary 的一個(gè)例子，所以正確答案是D。A說(shuō)反；B和C均沒(méi)說(shuō)而且C有違常識(shí)12, Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro physio

59、logical measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only indirect indicators of the infants perceptual abilities. 以上所說(shuō)的每一種技術(shù)都可以給研究者提供關(guān)于嬰兒能夠探知或區(qū)別刺激的依據(jù)，通過(guò)這些復(fù)雜的觀察記錄和電子生物學(xué)的探測(cè)，我們知道一個(gè)只有幾天的新生兒能探知的要遠(yuǎn)比我們之前猜測(cè)的要多的多。然而，這些標(biāo)準(zhǔn)也

60、只是通過(guò)間接的指示器所測(cè)量到的嬰兒感知的能力。【TPO-13 (3) 12#】Paragraph 5 indicates that researchers who used the techniques described in the passage discovered that infants find it difficult to perceive some types of stimuli neonates of only a few days cannot yet discriminate between stimuli observational assessment is l