國(guó)際經(jīng)貿(mào)高級(jí)英語(yǔ)-精讀與翻譯1

國(guó)際經(jīng)貿(mào)高級(jí)英語(yǔ)

——精讀與翻譯內(nèi)容提要

本書(shū)是國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)和國(guó)際貿(mào)易學(xué)專(zhuān)業(yè)英語(yǔ)精讀與翻譯教材。全書(shū)共有課文20篇，主要選自美、英等國(guó)出版的最新經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)專(zhuān)著和刊物原文素材，內(nèi)容極為豐富，涉及一般經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)理論、國(guó)際金融、國(guó)際貿(mào)易、國(guó)際投資、企業(yè)管理、中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)改革、中外經(jīng)濟(jì)關(guān)系等經(jīng)貿(mào)領(lǐng)域。同時(shí)，本書(shū)結(jié)合課文還配有詞組(包括專(zhuān)有名詞)的解釋?zhuān)陶Z(yǔ)、句子和段落的中譯英，以培養(yǎng)學(xué)生的閱讀和翻譯能力。頗具特色的是：本書(shū)配套了專(zhuān)業(yè)英語(yǔ)的寫(xiě)作訓(xùn)練，以提高學(xué)習(xí)者的英語(yǔ)寫(xiě)作能力；本書(shū)在每篇課文后還配了補(bǔ)充閱讀材料，它們與課文有很大的相關(guān)性，拓展了讀者的閱讀面和理解深度。本書(shū)內(nèi)容新穎、選材精當(dāng)、編排合理、重點(diǎn)突出，既可作為高等學(xué)校經(jīng)濟(jì)、貿(mào)易、金融、管理等學(xué)科的專(zhuān)業(yè)英語(yǔ)教材，或作為任何涉外經(jīng)濟(jì)工作者的英語(yǔ)自學(xué)課本，也可以作為準(zhǔn)備和參加博士生專(zhuān)業(yè)英語(yǔ)(經(jīng)管類(lèi))考試的參考讀物。UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthTEXT

Startingaslow-incomeeconomiesinthe1960s,afeweconomiesinEastAsiamanaged,inafewdecades,tobridgeallornearlyalloftheincomegapthatseparatedthemfromthehigh-incomeeconomiesoftheOrganisationforEconomicCo-operationandDevelopment(OECD).Meanwhilemanyotherdevelopingeconomiesstagnated.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthWhatmadethedifference?Onewaytogrowisbydevelopinghithertounexploitedland.Anotheristoaccumulatephysicalcapital:roads,factories,telephonenetworks.Athirdistoexpandthelaborforceandincreaseitseducationandtraining.ButHongKong(China)andSingaporehadalmostnoland.Theydidinvestheavilyinphysicalcapitalandineducatingtheirpopulations,butsodidmanyothereconomies.Duringthe1960sthroughthe1980stheSovietUnionaccumulatedmorecapitalasashareofitsgrossdomesticproduct(GDP)thandidHongKong(China),theRepublicofKorea,Singapore,orTaiwan(China).Anditincreasedtheeducationofitspopulationinnotrivialmeasure.YettheSovietsgeneratedfarsmallerincreasesinlivingstandardsduringthatperiodthandidthesefourEastAsianeconomies.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth

PerhapsthedifferencewasthattheEastAsianeconomiesdidnotbuild,work,andgrowhardersomuchastheybuilt,worked,andgrewsmarter.Couldknowledge,then,havebeenbehindEastAsia’ssurge?Ifso,theimplicationsareenormous,forthatwouldmeanthatknowledgeisthekeytodevelopment—thatknowledgeisdevelopment.HowimportantwasknowledgeforEastAsia’sgrowthspurt?Thisturnedoutnottobeaneasyquestiontoanswer.Themanyvarietiesofknowledgecombinewithitslimitedmarketabilitytopresentaformidablechallengetoanyoneseekingtoevaluatetheeffectofknowledgeoneconomicgrowth.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthHow,afterall,doesoneputapricetagonandaddupthevarioustypesofknowledge?Whatcommondenominatorletsussumtheknowledgethatfirmsuseintheirproductionprocesses;theknowledgethatpolicymakinginstitutionsusetoformulate,monitor,andevaluatepolicies;theknowledgethatpeopleuseintheireconomictransactionsandsocialinteractions?Whatisthecontributionofbooksandjournals,ofR&Dspending,ofthestockofinformationandcommunicationsequipment,ofthelearningandknowhowofscientists,engineers,andstudents?Compoundingthedifficultyisthefactthatmanytypesofknowledgeareaccumulatedandexchangedalmostexclusivelywithinnetworks,traditionalgroups,andprofessionalassociations.Thatmakesitvirtuallyimpossibletoputavalueonsuchknowledge.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth

Reflectingthesedifficultiesinquantifyingknowledge,effortstoevaluatetheaggregateimpactofknowledgeongrowthhaveoftenproceededindirectly,bypostulatingthatknowledgeexplainsthepartofgrowththatcannotbeexplainedbytheaccumulationoftangibleandidentifiablefactors,suchaslabororcapital.Thegrowthnotaccountedforbythesefactorsofproduction—theresidualinthecalculation—isattributedtogrowthintheirproductivity,thatis,usingtheotherfactorssmarter,throughknowledge.ThisresidualissometimescalledtheSolowresidual,aftertheeconomistRobertM.Solow,whospearheadedtheapproachinthe1950s,andwhatitpurportstomeasureisconventionallycalledtotalfactorproductivity(TFP)growth.SomealsocalltheSolowresidualameasureofourignorance,becauseitrepresentswhatwecannotaccountfor.Indeed,wemustbecarefulnottoattributeallofTFPgrowthtoknowledge,fortheremaybeotherfactorslurkinginUnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth

theSolowresidual.Manyotherthingsdocontributetogrowth—institutionsareanexample—butarenotreflectedinthecontributionsofthemoremeasurablefactors.Theireffectis(sofar)inextricablywovenintoTFPgrowth.InearlyTFPanalyses,physicalcapitalwasmodeledastheonlycountry-specificfactorthatcouldbeaccumulatedtobetterpeople’slives.Technicalprogressandotherintangiblefactorsweresaidtobeuniversal,equallyavailabletoallpeopleinallcountries,andthuscouldnotexplaingrowthdifferencesbetweencountries.TheircontributionstogrowthwerelumpedwiththeTFPgrowthnumbers.Althoughthisassumptionwasconvenient,itquicklybecameobviousthatphysicalcapitalwasnottheonlyfactorwhoseaccumulationdroveeconomicgrowth.Astudythatanalyzedvariationsingrowthratesacrossalargenumberofcountriesshowedthattheaccumulationofphysicalcapitalexplainedlessthan30percentofthosevariations.Therest—70percentormore—wasattributeddirectlyorindirectlytotheintangiblefactorsthatmakeupTFPgrowth(Table1.1).UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthLaterattemptsintroducedhumancapitaltobetterexplainthecausesofeconomicgrowth.Ahigherlevelofeducationinthepopulationmeansthatmorepeoplecanlearntousebettertechnology.EducationwassurelyakeyingredientinthesuccessoffourofthefastestgrowingEastAsianeconomies:HongKong(China),theRepublicofKorea,Singapore,andTaiwan(China).Beforetheirtransformationfromdevelopingintoindustrializingeconomies,theirschoolenrollmentrateshadbeenmuchhigherthanthoseofotherdevelopingcountries(Table1.2).Theyhadalsoemphasizedadvancedscientificandtechnicalstudies—asmeasuredbytheirhigherratiosofstudentsintechnicalfieldsthaninevensomeindustrialcountries—thusenhancingtheircapacitytoimportsophisticatedtechnologies.Moreover,theimportanceofeducationforeconomicgrowthhadlongbeenrecognizedandestablishedempirically.Onestudyhadfoundthatgrowthinyearsofschoolingexplainedabout25percentoftheincreaseinGDPpercapitaintheUnitedStatesbetween1929and1982.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth

Addingeducationreducedthepartofgrowththatcouldnotbeexplained,thusshrinkingthehaystackinwhichTFPgrowth(andknowledge)remainedhidden.Someanalystsevenconcluded,perhapstooquickly,thatphysicalandhumancapital,properlyaccountedfor,explainedallorvirtuallyalloftheEastAsianeconomies’rapidgrowth,leavingknowledgeasaseparatefactoroutofthepicture(Box1.2).OnereasontheseanalystscameupwithlowvaluesforTFPgrowthisthattheyincorporatedimprovementsinlaborandequipmentintotheirmeasurementoffactoraccumulation.SoeventheirevidenceoflowTFPgrowthinEastAsiadoesnotrefutetheimportanceofclosingknowledgegaps.Indeed,itshowsthatthefast-growingEastAsianeconomieshadasuccessfulstrategytocloseknowledgegaps:byinvestingintheknowledgeembodiedinphysicalcapital,andbyinvestinginpeopleandinstitutionstoenhancethecapabilitytoabsorbanduseknowledge.

UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthLookingbeyondEastAsia,othergrowthaccountingstudieshaveexaminedlargersamplesofcountries.Evenwhenhumancapitalisaccountedfor,theunexplainedpartofgrowthremainshigh.Onesuchstudy,of98countrieswithanunweightedaveragegrowthrateofoutputperworkerof2.24percent,foundthat34percent(0.76percentagepoint)ofthatgrowthcamefromphysicalcapitalaccumulation,20percent(0.45percentagepoint)fromhumancapitalaccumulation,andasmuchas46percent(justover1percentagepoint)fromTFPgrowth.Evenmoreremainstobeexplainedinvariationsingrowthratesacrosscountries.Thesamestudyfoundthecombinedroleofhumanandphysicalcapitaltobeaslowas9percent,leavingtheTFPresidualatastaggering91percent.Totakeanotherexample:KoreaandGhanahadsimilarlylowincomespercapitainthe1950s,butby1991Korea’sincomepercapitawasmorethanseventimesGhana’s.Muchofthatgapremainsunexplainedevenwhenhumancapitalistakenintoaccount(Figure1.2).UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth

Alltheseresultsaresubjecttomeasurementproblems.Forexample,themeasuredstockofhumancapitalmayoverstatetheactualquantityusedinproducinggoodsandservices.Highratesofschoolenrollmentorattainment(yearscompleted)maynottranslateintohigherratesofeconomicgrowthifthequalityofeducationispoor,orifeducatedpeoplearenotemployedattheirpotentialbecauseofdistortionsinthelabormarket.Moreover,itisnowevidentthateducationwithoutopennesstoinnovationandknowledgewillnotleadtoeconomicdevelopment.ThepeopleoftheformerSovietUnion,likethepeopleoftheOECDcountriesandEastAsia,werehighlyeducated,withnearly100percentliteracy.Andforaneducatedpopulationitispossible,throughforeigndirectinvestmentandothermeans,toacquireanduseinformationUnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthaboutthelatestproductionandmanagementinnovationsinothercountries.ButtheSovietUnionplacedsevererestrictionsonforeigninvestment,foreigncollaboration,andinnovation.Itsworkforcedidnotadaptandchangeasnewinformationbecameavailableelsewhereintheworld,andconsequentlyitseconomysufferedadecline.

(excerptedfromWorldDevelopmentReport1998/1999)UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthExercisesⅠ.TranslatethefollowingintoEnglish,usingthewordsorphrasesinthetext:1.對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)必不可少的實(shí)物資本的積累theaccumulationofphysicalcapitalindispensabletoeconomicgrowth2.引進(jìn)國(guó)外的先進(jìn)設(shè)備和技術(shù)訣竅toimportadvancedequipmentandknow-howfromabroad3.占世界技術(shù)貿(mào)易總量90%的許可證貿(mào)易

licensetradeaccountingfor90percentofthetotalvolumeoftheworld’stradeoftechnologyUnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth4.經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中所反映出來(lái)的人力資本的匱乏5.高科技對(duì)產(chǎn)業(yè)調(diào)整的重大影響thegreatimpactofhightechnologyontheadjustmentofindustries6.推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的關(guān)鍵因素keyfactorsdrivingeconomicgrowth7.從一個(gè)農(nóng)業(yè)國(guó)向工業(yè)國(guó)的轉(zhuǎn)型

thetransformationfromanagriculturalnationintoanindustrialonelackofhumancapitalreflectedineconomicdevelopmentUnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth8.構(gòu)成全要素生產(chǎn)率增長(zhǎng)的有形和無(wú)形因素9.隱藏在技術(shù)進(jìn)步之后的教育系統(tǒng)的改善theimprovementofeducationalsystemslurkingintechnologicalprogress10.該產(chǎn)業(yè)中資本與勞動(dòng)力的比率theratioofcapitaltolabourinthisindustry11.增加勞動(dòng)力數(shù)量并提高其教育培訓(xùn)程度

expandthelabourforceandincreaseitseducationandtrainingthetangibleandintangiblefactorsmakingupthetotalfactorproductivitygrowthUnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth12.研發(fā)部門(mén)在跨國(guó)公司經(jīng)營(yíng)中的作用13.一份對(duì)多國(guó)技術(shù)進(jìn)步情況進(jìn)行分析的報(bào)告

astudyreportanalyzingvariationsintechnicalprogressacrossalargenumberofcountries14.把計(jì)量和模型結(jié)合引入經(jīng)濟(jì)分析toincorporatequantityandmodelsintoeconomicanalysis15.發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家和發(fā)展中國(guó)家在收入上的巨大差距greatgapinincomesbetweendevelopedanddevelopingnationstheroleoftheR&DdepartmentintheoperationsofmultinationalcorporationsUnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthⅡ.TranslatethefollowingsentencesintoEnglish:1.不少經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家認(rèn)為，像香港、新加坡這樣土地稀少的地區(qū)，其經(jīng)濟(jì)的快速發(fā)展應(yīng)該主要?dú)w功于教育程度的提高。在此基礎(chǔ)上，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們得出了結(jié)論：知識(shí)是這些國(guó)家或地區(qū)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的主要因素。(attributeto)

Manyeconomistsattributedtherapideconomicgrowthrateofsomeland-desiringareas,suchasHongKongandSingapore,totheenhancementofeducationallevelsoftheirpopulations.Basedonthis,theydrewtheirconclusionthatknowledgeisthekeytotheireconomicdevelopment.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth2.60年代，日本在從發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家大量引進(jìn)尖端技術(shù)和技術(shù)訣竅的基礎(chǔ)上，進(jìn)行了大規(guī)模的經(jīng)濟(jì)擴(kuò)張活動(dòng)，使日本的經(jīng)濟(jì)在短短的20年間迅速趕上了世界先進(jìn)水平。(know-how)

Inthe1960s,onthebasisofimportingmuchsophisticatedtechnologyandKnow-howfromdevelopedcountries,Japanexpandeditseconomyonalargescale,enablingitseconomytokeepupwiththemostadvancedleveloftheworldinashortperiodof20years.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth3.新經(jīng)濟(jì)理論的發(fā)展給統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)提出了許多課題，例如，高就學(xué)率并不意味著經(jīng)濟(jì)的高增長(zhǎng)率，如果教育質(zhì)量很差，或受過(guò)教育的人們?cè)谝粋€(gè)扭曲的勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上不能人盡其用的話。(beemployedatone’spotential;translateinto)

Thedevelopmentofneweconomictheorieshasraisedmanysubjectstostatistics.Forexample,highratesofschoolenrollmentmaynottranslateintohighratesofeconomicgrowthifthequalityofeducationispoor,orifeducatedpeoplearenotemployedattheirpotentialbecauseofdistortioninthelabormarket.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth4.1994年，在經(jīng)過(guò)長(zhǎng)期研究之后，著名經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家克魯格曼發(fā)表了一份對(duì)多國(guó)技術(shù)進(jìn)步情況調(diào)查的報(bào)告。他指出，亞洲的經(jīng)濟(jì)不是建立在技術(shù)進(jìn)步的基礎(chǔ)上，所以含有很多泡沫。3年后爆發(fā)的東南亞經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)證實(shí)了他的猜想。(variationsintechnicalprogress)

In1994,afteralongperiodofresearch,thefamouseconomistKrugmanpresentedastudyreportanalyzingvariationsintechnicalprogressacrossalargenumberofcountries.HesaidinthereportthattheeconomicdevelopmentofAsiawasnotbasedontheprogressoftechnology,sotheeconomycontainedmuchfoam.Threeyearslater,thesuddenbreak-outofSoutheastAsianeconomiccrisisverifiedhisaasumption.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowth5.由于科學(xué)技術(shù)在一定程度上是無(wú)形的，所以，到目前為止，人們還未想出確定其價(jià)值大小的理想方法。(putavalueon)

Peoplehaven’thithertocomeupwithanidealmethodtoputavalueonscienceandtechnology,foritisintangibletosomedegree.UnitOne

KnowledgeandEconomicGrowthIII.PutthefollowingpassageintoEnglish:在信息時(shí)代，競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的關(guān)鍵是知識(shí)，而不是實(shí)物資產(chǎn)或資源。不僅對(duì)知識(shí)密集型部門(mén)，比如電腦軟件或生物技術(shù)部門(mén)來(lái)說(shuō)是如此，而且對(duì)工業(yè)時(shí)代的制造業(yè)公司或公共事業(yè)公司來(lái)說(shuō)也是這樣。