復(fù)旦大學(xué)西方社會(huì)思想史課件13 Structural Functionalism

1、 Structural Functionalism ContentParsons: Functional Imperatives , Structure of the General Action System and Pattern VariablesMerton: Clarifying functional analysis, Dysfunctions, and Manifest and Latent functions.The debate between “consensus theories and conflict theoriesConsensus theories see sh

2、ared norms and values as fundamental to society ,focus on social order based on tacit agreements, and view social change as occurring in a slow and orderly fashion. In contrast, conflict theories emphasize the dominance of some social groups by others, see social order as based on manipulation and c

3、ontrol by dominant groups, and view social change as occurring rapidly and in a disorderly fashion as subordinate groups overthrow dominant groups.Representatives of the debate: Marx and Comte, Simmel and Durkheim, Dahrendorf and Parsons.Function and functional imperativesFunction A function is a co

4、mplex of activities directed towards meeting a need or needs of the systemFunctional imperatives There are four functional imperatives that are necessary for all systemsadaptation(A), goal attainment(G), integration(I), and latency(L),or pattern maintenance. A set of assumptions of Structural functi

5、onalismSystems have the property of order and interdependence of partsSystem tend toward self-maintaining order, or equilibrium.The system may be static or involved in an ordered process of change.The nature of one part of the system has an impact on the form that the other state of equilibrium of s

6、ystem.Systems maintain boundaries with environments.Allocation and integration are two fundamental processes necessary for a given state of equilibrium of a system.System tend toward self-maintenance involving the maintenance of boundaries and of the relationship of parts to the whole, control of en

7、vironmental variations, and control of tendencies to change the system.Structure of the General Action SystemLCultural System I Social System Behavioral OrganismA Personality System G Adaptation: a system must cope with external situational exigencies. It must adapt to its environment and adapt the

8、environment to its needs.Goal attainment: a system must define and achieve its primary goals.Integration: a system must regulate the interrelationship of its component parts. It also must manage the relationship among the other three functional imperativesLatency (pattern maintenance): a system must

9、 furnish, maintain, and renew both the motivation of individuals and the cultural patterns that create and sustain that motivation.Society and its SubsystemsLFiduciary System I Societal Community EconomyA Polity G Adaptation: The economy is the subsystem that performs the function for society of ada

10、pting to the environment through labor, production, and allocation.Goal attainment: The polity(or political system) performs the function of goal attainment by pursuing societal objectives and mobilizing actors and resources to that end.Integration: The integration function is performed by the socie

11、tal community (law), which coordinates the various components of societyLatency (pattern maintenance): The fiduciary system (schools, family) handles the latency function by transmitting culture to actors and allowing it to be internalized by them.Pattern VariablesPattern variables are the principle

12、 tools of structural analysis outlining the derivation of these categories from the intrinsic logic of social action - the inherent dilemmas of choice facing actors . Parsons argues that there are a strictly limited and defined set of alternatives or choices that can be made, and the relative primac

13、ies given to choices constitute the patterning of relational institutions. These choices or alternatives are called orientation-selection.Affectivity vs. Affective-neutralityThere are five pattern variables of role-definition that Parsons discusses, although he says that there are many more possibil

14、ities. The first is the gratification-discipline dilemma: affectivity vs. affective-neutrality. The dilemma here is in deciding whether one expresses their orientation in terms of immediate gratification (affectivity) or whether they renounce immediate gratification in favor of moral interests (affe

15、ctive-neutrality). parsons says, no actor can subsist without gratifications, while at the same time no action system can be organized or integrated without the renunciation of some gratifications which are available in the given situation .Self-orientation vs. Collectivity orientation.The second se

16、t of pattern variables of role-definition are the private vs. collective interest dilemma: self-orientation vs. collectivity orientation. In this case, ones role orientation is either in terms of her private interests or in terms of the interests of the collectivity. Parsons explains, a role, then,

17、may define certain areas of pursuit of private interests as legitimate, and in other areas obligate the actor to pursuit of the common interests of the collectivity. The primacy of the former alternative may be called self-orientation, that of the latter, collectivity-orientation .Universalism vs. P

18、articularismThe third pair of pattern variables are the choice between types of value-orientation standard: universalism vs. particularism. Simply put, in the former case the standard is derived from the validity of a set of existential ideas, or the generality of a normative rule, in the latter fro

19、m the particularity of . an object or of the status of the object in a relational system . Example: the obligation to fulfill contractual agreements vs. helping someone because she is your friend.Achievement vs. Ascriptive role behaviorThe fourth pair of pattern variables are achievement vs. ascript

20、ive role behavior: the choice between modalities of the social object. Achievement-orientation roles are those which place an emphasis on the performances of the people, whereas ascribed roles, the qualities or attributes of people are emphasized independently of specific expected performances.Speci

21、ficity vs. DiffusenessThe final pair of pattern variables are specificity vs. diffuseness: the definition of scope of interest in the object. If one adopts an orientation of specificity towards an object, it means that the definition of the role as orienting to the social object in specific terms. I

22、n contrast, in a diffuse orientation, the mode of orientation is outside the range of obligations defined by the role-expectation. Clarifying functional analysisMerton argues that the central orientation of functionalism is in interpreting data by their consequences for larger structures in which th

23、ey are implicated. Like Durkheim and Parsons he analyzes society with reference to whether cultural and social structures are well or badly integrated. Merton is also interested in the persistence of societies and defines functions that make for the adaptation of a given social system. Finally, Mert

24、on thinks that shared values are central in explaining how societies and institutions work , however he disagrees with Parsons on some issues.Clarifying functional analysisMerton persisting talk about functionalist theory although the term is misleading and generally useless as a description of any

25、concept school and direction. Merton generally presented a misconception of a nature of Parsons theory, which he never fully understood or appreciate despite the intellectual influence in general. According to Mertons perception of functionalism, the functional unity of society which states that all

26、 standardized social and cultural beliefs and practices are functional for both society as a whole as well as individuals in society. This outlook maintains that various parts of social systems must show a high level of integration, but Merton argues that a generalization like this cannot be extende

27、d to larger, more complex societies. Clarifying functional analysisThe second claim has to do with universal functionalism. This claim argues that all standardized social and cultural structures and forms have a positive function. Merton argues that this is a contradiction to what is seen in the rea

28、l world; not every structure, idea, belief, etc, has positive functions. The third claim of functional analysis that Merton argues is that of indispensability. This claim states that the standardized parts of society have positive functions, and also represent indispensable parts of the working whol

29、e, which leads to that structures and functions are functionally necessary for society. Here, Merton argues people must be willing to admit that there exist various structural and functional alternatives within societyClarifying functional analysisHis belief in empirical testing led to the developme

30、nt of his paradigm of functional analysis. According to Merton, paradigm, refers to exemplars of codified basic and often tacit assumptions, problem sets, key concepts, logic of procedure, and selectively accumulated knowledge that guide theoretical and empirical inquiry in all scientific fields. In

31、 terms of structural functionalism, Merton felt that the focus should be on social functions rather than on individual motivesDysfunctionsMerton emphasizes the existence of dysfunctions. He thinks that some things may have consequences that are generally dysfunctional or which are dysfunctional for

32、some and functional for others. On this point he approaches conflict theory, although he does believe that institutions and values can be functional for society as a whole. Merton states that only by recognizing the dysfunctional aspects of institutions, can we explain the development and persistenc

33、e of alternatives. Mertons concept of dysfunctions is also central to his argument that functionalism is not essentially conservative.DysfunctionsIn Mertons writing on dysfunctions, he highlighted problems that tend to keep social systems from meeting all of their functional requirements. In doing t

34、his, he was able to point out the details as well as the contradictions of the overall concept. One groups function could serve as another groups dysfunction, and a general incident could turn out to be both functional and dysfunctional for the same group. Merton clarified the concept by stating tha

35、t a certain degree of social cohesion eases the productivity of a group and is therefore functional, but it can become dysfunctional when it surpasses a certain threshold, because then the members of the group may become equally indulgent and fail to hold each other to high performance standards.Dys

36、functionsIn order to help people determine whether positive functions outweigh dysfunctions, and vice versa, Merton developed the concept of net balance. Because the issues are complex and based on a lot of subjective judgement, they cannot be calculated and weighed easily. Therefore, positive funct

37、ions and dysfunctions cannot be simply added up and objectively determine which outweighs the other. In order to deal with these issues, Merton believed that there must be levels of functional analysis. Rather than solely focusing on the analysis of society as a whole, Merton argued that analysis co

38、uld and should also be done on an organization, institution or groupThe unanticipated consequences of social actionSome of the crucial innovations that Merton made to sociology include the description of the unanticipated consequences of social action, of latent functions vs. manifest functions, and

39、, as previously mentioned, of dysfunctions. According to Merton, unanticipated consequences are actions that have both intended and unintended consequences. Everyone is aware of the intended consequences, but the unintended are more difficult to recognize, and therefore, sociological analysis is req

40、uired to uncover what they may be. In his 1936 essay, The Unanticipated Consequences of Social Action, Merton uncovered the wide field of human activity where things do not go as planned, and paradoxes and strange outcomes are seen. One of these outcomes is the self-defeating prophecy, which through

41、 the very fact of its being publicized, is actually wrong. Merton was able to illustrate this by referencing Karl Marxs prediction that as societies become more modern, the wealth will be concentrated amongst fewer people, and the majority of society would suffer from poverty and misery. This predic

42、tion helped to stimulate the socialist movement, which in some countries slowed the development that Marx had predicted. The opposite of the self-defeating prophecy then, is the self-fulfilling prophecy, when an originally unfounded prophecy turns out to be correct because it is believed and acted u

43、pon.Manifest functions vs. Latent functionsManifest functions are the consequences that people observe or expect, or what is intended; latent functions are those that are neither recognized nor intended. In distinguishing between manifest and latent functions, Merton argued that must dig to discover

44、 latent functions. His example from his 1949 piece, Manifest and Latent Functions, was an analysis of political machines. Merton began by describing the negative consequences of political machines, and then changed the angle and demonstrated how the people in charge of the machines, acting in their

45、own interest, were meeting the social needs not met by government institutions.Unanticipated consequences and latent functionsMerton made it very clear however, that unanticipated consequences and latent functions are not the same. Latent functions are one type of unanticipated consequences; functio

46、nal for the designated system. According to Merton, there are also two other types of unanticipated consequences: those that are dysfunctional for a designated system, and these comprise the latent dysfunctions, and those which are irrelevant to the system which they affect neither functionally or dysfunctionally.non-functional consequencesManifest functions and latent functionsMerton sees attention to latent functions as increasing the understanding of society: the distinction between manifest and latent fo