奧巴馬傳奇演講A More Perfect Union一個(gè)更完美的城邦中英對(duì)譯

AMorePerfectUnion

RemarksofSenatorBarackObama

Philadelphia,PA|March18,2008為了更完美的聯(lián)邦巴拉克·奧巴馬2008年3月18日在美國(guó)賓夕法尼亞州費(fèi)城的演講海星譯

"Wethepeople,inordertoformamoreperfectunion."“我們[美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的]人民，為締造一個(gè)更完美的聯(lián)邦。”

Twohundredandtwentyoneyearsago,inahallthatstillstandsacrossthestreet,agroupofmengatheredand,withthesesimplewords,launchedAmerica'simprobableexperimentindemocracy.Farmersandscholars;statesmenandpatriotswhohadtraveledacrossanoceantoescapetyrannyandpersecutionfinallymaderealtheirdeclarationofindependenceataPhiladelphiaconventionthatlastedthroughthespringof1787.221年前，一群人聚集在至今仍屹立在這條街上的市政廳里，用上述這樣簡(jiǎn)潔的言語(yǔ)，發(fā)起了美利堅(jiān)不可思議的民主實(shí)驗(yàn)。農(nóng)場(chǎng)主和學(xué)者，政治家與愛(ài)國(guó)者們?yōu)樘用撜螌Ｖ坪妥诮唐群?，橫渡大洋，最終在費(fèi)城會(huì)議上發(fā)表了他們的獨(dú)立宣言?！@一會(huì)議一直延續(xù)了1787年的春天。

Thedocumenttheyproducedwaseventuallysignedbutultimatelyunfinished.Itwasstainedbythisnation'soriginalsinofslavery,aquestionthatdividedthecoloniesandbroughttheconventiontoastalemateuntilthefounderschosetoallowtheslavetradetocontinueforatleasttwentymoreyears,andtoleaveanyfinalresolutiontofuturegenerations.他們討論出的文件得以簽署通過(guò)但尚未最終完成。它因這個(gè)國(guó)家的奴隸制原罪而劣跡斑斑，這一問(wèn)題分裂著殖民地的定居者們，使得費(fèi)城會(huì)議陷入僵局，最后建國(guó)者們決定同意奴隸貿(mào)易再繼續(xù)開(kāi)展至少二十年，而將這一問(wèn)題留待子孫后代去解決。

Ofcourse,theanswertotheslaveryquestionwasalreadyembeddedwithinourConstitution-aConstitutionthathadatitsverycoretheidealofequalcitizenshipunderthelaw;aConstitutionthatpromiseditspeopleliberty,andjustice,andaunionthatcouldbeandshouldbeperfectedovertime.當(dāng)然，對(duì)奴隸制問(wèn)題的解決在我們的憲法中已經(jīng)生根發(fā)芽，法律之下平等的公民權(quán)理念是這部憲法的核心；它向人民許諾自由、公平和一個(gè)隨著時(shí)間推移能夠且應(yīng)當(dāng)被不斷完善的聯(lián)邦。

Andyetwordsonaparchmentwouldnotbeenoughtodeliverslavesfrombondage,orprovidemenandwomenofeverycolorandcreedtheirfullrightsandobligationsascitizensoftheUnitedStates.WhatwouldbeneededwereAmericansinsuccessivegenerationswhowerewillingtodotheirpart-throughprotestsandstruggle,onthestreetsandinthecourts,throughacivilwarandcivildisobedienceandalwaysatgreatrisk-tonarrowthatgapbetweenthepromiseofouridealsandtherealityoftheirtime.但寫(xiě)就在羊皮紙上的宣言尚不足以使奴隸擺脫奴役，或向不同膚色和信仰不同宗教的人們提供他們作為美國(guó)公民理應(yīng)享有的充分的權(quán)利和義務(wù)。這就需要那些愿意履行其職責(zé)的后來(lái)者去縮小我們的理想承諾與人們所處時(shí)代的社會(huì)現(xiàn)實(shí)間的差距，——他們得經(jīng)過(guò)街頭抗議和法庭抗?fàn)?，?jīng)過(guò)內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和和平違法，這其間總是險(xiǎn)象環(huán)生。

Thiswasoneofthetaskswesetforthatthebeginningofthiscampaign-tocontinuethelongmarchofthosewhocamebeforeus,amarchforamorejust,moreequal,morefree,morecaringandmoreprosperousAmerica.IchosetorunforthepresidencyatthismomentinhistorybecauseIbelievedeeplythatwecannotsolvethechallengesofourtimeunlesswesolvethemtogether-unlessweperfectourunionbyunderstandingthatwemayhavedifferentstories,butweholdcommonhopes;thatwemaynotlookthesameandwemaynothavecomefromthesameplace,butweallwanttomoveinthesamedirection-towardsabetterfutureforourchildrenandourgrandchildren.繼續(xù)前人長(zhǎng)久以來(lái)的、為建立一個(gè)更公正、公平、自由、更負(fù)責(zé)任且更繁榮的美國(guó)的努力，這是我們?cè)谶@場(chǎng)總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選一開(kāi)始就定下的任務(wù)之一。我之所以決定在這一歷史關(guān)頭競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)，是因?yàn)槲覉?jiān)信我們只有聯(lián)合起來(lái)，才能應(yīng)對(duì)我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的挑戰(zhàn)，才能為我們的子孫后代創(chuàng)設(shè)一個(gè)更好的明天——只有相互理解，懂得我們也許有不同的故事，但擁有共同的愿望；懂得也許我們膚色不同，來(lái)自不同地方，但我們想要同一個(gè)夢(mèng)想，才能使我們的國(guó)家更完善。

ThisbeliefcomesfrommyunyieldingfaithinthedecencyandgenerosityoftheAmericanpeople.ButitalsocomesfrommyownAmericanstory.這一信念來(lái)自于我對(duì)正派而慷慨的美國(guó)人民堅(jiān)定不移的信心。同時(shí)它也源自我自己的美國(guó)故事。

IamthesonofablackmanfromKenyaandawhitewomanfromKansas.IwasraisedwiththehelpofawhitegrandfatherwhosurvivedaDepressiontoserveinPatton'sArmyduringWorldWarIIandawhitegrandmotherwhoworkedonabomberassemblylineatFortLeavenworthwhilehewasoverseas.I'vegonetosomeofthebestschoolsinAmericaandlivedinoneoftheworld'spoorestnations.IammarriedtoablackAmericanwhocarrieswithinherthebloodofslavesandslaveowners-aninheritancewepassontoourtwopreciousdaughters.Ihavebrothers,sisters,nieces,nephews,unclesandcousins,ofeveryraceandeveryhue,scatteredacrossthreecontinents,andforaslongasIlive,IwillneverforgetthatinnoothercountryonEarthismystoryevenpossible.我是一個(gè)肯尼亞黑人和堪薩斯白種女人的兒子，在我的白人祖父母的照料下長(zhǎng)大成人。祖父歷經(jīng)大蕭條，二戰(zhàn)期間服役于巴頓的部隊(duì)；當(dāng)祖父開(kāi)赴海外戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)時(shí)，祖母在萊文沃斯堡的轟炸機(jī)流水線上作業(yè)養(yǎng)家糊口。我在美國(guó)那些最好的學(xué)校里讀過(guò)書(shū)，也在世界上最貧窮的國(guó)家里生活過(guò)。我娶的是一位黑人婦女，她的血管里流淌著奴隸和奴隸主的血液，——而這一血統(tǒng)又遺傳給了我們的兩個(gè)寶貝女兒。我的不同種族和膚色的兄弟姐妹、叔伯侄甥們生活在三個(gè)大洲，而且只要我還活著，便會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)銘記在這世上其他任何一個(gè)國(guó)家里我這樣的經(jīng)歷都不會(huì)發(fā)生。

It'sastorythathasn'tmademethemostconventionalcandidate.Butitisastorythathassearedintomygeneticmakeuptheideathatthisnationismorethanthesumofitsparts-thatoutofmany,wearetrulyone.

這樣的經(jīng)歷不會(huì)將我塑造成最保守的候選人，但它使我骨子里因一種信念而警醒：這個(gè)國(guó)家高于它的各部分的加總，高于多數(shù)群體，我們本身就是一個(gè)整體。

Throughoutthefirstyearofthiscampaign,againstallpredictionstothecontrary,wesawhowhungrytheAmericanpeoplewereforthismessageofunity.Despitethetemptationtoviewmycandidacythroughapurelyraciallens,wewoncommandingvictoriesinstateswithsomeofthewhitestpopulationsinthecountry.InSouthCarolina,wheretheConfederateFlagstillflies,webuiltapowerfulcoalitionofAfricanAmericansandwhiteAmericans.在這場(chǎng)競(jìng)選的第一年里，我們意識(shí)到美國(guó)人民有多渴望團(tuán)結(jié)一致的訊息，而不是相反。盡管存在透過(guò)純粹種族主義的有色眼鏡來(lái)看待我的競(jìng)選的陷阱，我們?cè)趪?guó)家那些白種人占主導(dǎo)的一些州卻贏得了顯著的勝利。在聯(lián)邦星條旗（confederateflags）仍高高飄揚(yáng)的南卡，我們筑就了非裔美國(guó)人和美國(guó)白人間的強(qiáng)有力的聯(lián)盟。

Thisisnottosaythatracehasnotbeenanissueinthecampaign.Atvariousstagesinthecampaign,somecommentatorshavedeemedmeeither"tooblack"or"notblackenough."WesawracialtensionsbubbletothesurfaceduringtheweekbeforetheSouthCarolinaprimary.Thepresshasscouredeveryexitpollforthelatestevidenceofracialpolarization,notjustintermsofwhiteandblack,butblackandbrownaswell.這并不意味著種族在競(jìng)選中不是一個(gè)問(wèn)題。在競(jìng)選的許多層面上，一些評(píng)論家不是認(rèn)為我“太黑”就是認(rèn)為我“不夠黑”。在南卡，初選前的幾周里我們看到種族內(nèi)在的張力問(wèn)題漸漸浮現(xiàn)。媒體四處搜尋每一場(chǎng)投票結(jié)果以作為種族對(duì)立的最新證據(jù)，這一對(duì)立不僅是在白人與黑人之間，也在黑人與拉丁族裔之間。

Andyet,ithasonlybeeninthelastcoupleofweeksthatthediscussionofraceinthiscampaignhastakenaparticularlydivisiveturn.然而，也就是在最近兩周里，大選中關(guān)于種族的討論發(fā)生了明顯的分裂性的轉(zhuǎn)變。

Ononeendofthespectrum,we'veheardtheimplicationthatmycandidacyissomehowanexerciseinaffirmativeaction;thatit'sbasedsolelyonthedesireofwide-eyedliberalstopurchaseracialreconciliationonthecheap.Ontheotherend,we'veheardmyformerpastor,ReverendJeremiahWright,useincendiarylanguagetoexpressviewsthathavethepotentialnotonlytowidentheracialdivide,butviewsthatdenigrateboththegreatnessandthegoodnessofournation;thatrightlyoffendwhiteandblackalike.在這光譜的一端，我們聽(tīng)到這樣的暗示，即我的參選在某種程度上是平權(quán)計(jì)劃的一種實(shí)踐，是那些眼界開(kāi)闊的自由主義者尋求廉價(jià)的種族和解的意愿的結(jié)果。在光譜的另一端，我們聽(tīng)到了我以前的牧師，可敬的杰里梅爾·懷特的煽風(fēng)點(diǎn)火的言論。他的言論不僅會(huì)加深種族分裂，也有損我們國(guó)家的偉大與善良；他的言論不僅冒犯了白人，也得罪了黑人。對(duì)于黑人和白人同樣是冒犯。

Ihavealreadycondemned,inunequivocalterms,thestatementsofReverendWrightthathavecausedsuchcontroversy.Forsome,naggingquestionsremain.DidIknowhimtobeanoccasionallyfiercecriticofAmericandomesticandforeignpolicy?Ofcourse.DidIeverhearhimmakeremarksthatcouldbeconsideredcontroversialwhileIsatinchurch?Yes.DidIstronglydisagreewithmanyofhispoliticalviews?Absolutely-justasI'msuremanyofyouhaveheardremarksfromyourpastors,priests,orrabbiswithwhichyoustronglydisagreed.我旗幟鮮明地譴責(zé)賴特神父的極具爭(zhēng)議性的言論。對(duì)一些人而言，糾纏不清的問(wèn)題仍然存在。我是否知道他對(duì)美國(guó)的內(nèi)政外交政策的猛烈抨擊？當(dāng)然知道。當(dāng)我坐在教堂里，我是否聽(tīng)到他的足以引發(fā)爭(zhēng)議的言論？當(dāng)然聽(tīng)過(guò)。我是否堅(jiān)決反對(duì)他的許多政治觀點(diǎn)？肯定反對(duì)。——就像你們中的許多人曾經(jīng)從你們的牧師、神父或拉比那里聽(tīng)到你強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)的觀點(diǎn)一樣。

Buttheremarksthathavecausedthisrecentfirestormweren'tsimplycontroversial.Theyweren'tsimplyareligiousleader'sefforttospeakoutagainstperceivedinjustice.Instead,theyexpressedaprofoundlydistortedviewofthiscountry-aviewthatseeswhiteracismasendemic,andthatelevateswhatiswrongwithAmericaaboveallthatweknowisrightwithAmerica;aviewthatseestheconflictsintheMiddleEastasrootedprimarilyintheactionsofstalwartallieslikeIsrael,insteadofemanatingfromtheperverseandhatefulideologiesofradicalIslam.但那些最近引起軒然大波的言論不止于讓人匪夷所思，它們不只是一位宗教領(lǐng)袖試圖挺身而出反對(duì)他覺(jué)察到的不公正。相反，它們反映了一種對(duì)這個(gè)國(guó)家的極度扭曲的看法——它將白人的種族歧視主義視為天經(jīng)地義，將美國(guó)的弊病夸張到掩蓋我們所知道的一切關(guān)于美國(guó)的美好，它將中東的沖突完全解釋為我們堅(jiān)定的盟國(guó)以色列的行為所致，而非源自激進(jìn)的伊斯蘭原教旨主義固執(zhí)而充斥著仇恨的意識(shí)形態(tài)。

Assuch,ReverendWright'scommentswerenotonlywrongbutdivisive,divisiveatatimewhenweneedunity;raciallychargedatatimewhenweneedtocometogethertosolveasetofmonumentalproblems-twowars,aterroristthreat,afallingeconomy,achronichealthcarecrisisandpotentiallydevastatingclimatechange;problemsthatareneitherblackorwhiteorLatinoorAsian,butratherproblemsthatconfrontusall.這樣看來(lái)，賴特神父的言論不僅錯(cuò)誤而且極具分裂性，它在我們需要團(tuán)結(jié)時(shí)分裂我們，在我們急需攜手共進(jìn)解決諸如兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、恐怖主義威脅、經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退、日漸惡化的醫(yī)療危機(jī)和潛在的災(zāi)難性的環(huán)境變化這一系列重大問(wèn)題時(shí)制造種族糾葛；而這些問(wèn)題不是黑人的、或白人的、或拉丁族裔或亞裔某個(gè)族群的問(wèn)題，而是我們所有人都正面臨的難題。

Givenmybackground,mypolitics,andmyprofessedvaluesandideals,therewillnodoubtbethoseforwhommystatementsofcondemnationarenotenough.WhyassociatemyselfwithReverendWrightinthefirstplace,theymayask?Whynotjoinanotherchurch?AndIconfessthatifallthatIknewofReverendWrightwerethesnippetsofthosesermonsthathaveruninanendlesslooponthetelevisionandYouTube,orifTrinityUnitedChurchofChristconformedtothecaricaturesbeingpeddledbysomecommentators,thereisnodoubtthatIwouldreactinmuchthesameway若從我的出身、我的政治立場(chǎng)、我信奉的價(jià)值和理想來(lái)考慮，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，對(duì)那些我的支持者來(lái)說(shuō)，我的譴責(zé)還遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠。他們或許會(huì)問(wèn)，為什么一開(kāi)始我就和懷特神父走到了一起？我為什么不加入另一個(gè)教堂？如果我承認(rèn)我所知道的懷特神父不過(guò)是電視節(jié)目或YouTube上不斷播放的冗長(zhǎng)說(shuō)教中的一則新聞，或者，假如基督教三一聯(lián)合教堂與一些評(píng)論家四處散播的拙劣諷刺一樣，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)我也會(huì)有這樣的反應(yīng)。

Butthetruthis,thatisn'tallthatIknowoftheman.ThemanImetmorethantwentyyearsagoisamanwhohelpedintroducemetomyChristianfaith,amanwhospoketomeaboutourobligationstoloveoneanother;tocareforthesickandliftupthepoor.HeisamanwhoservedhiscountryasaU.S.Marine;whohasstudiedandlecturedatsomeofthefinestuniversitiesandseminariesinthecountry,andwhoforoverthirtyyearsledachurchthatservesthecommunitybydoingGod'sworkhereonEarth-byhousingthehomeless,ministeringtotheneedy,providingdaycareservicesandscholarshipsandprisonministries,andreachingouttothosesufferingfromHIV/AIDS.

但事實(shí)恰恰是，那不是我所認(rèn)識(shí)的那個(gè)人。二十多年前我遇到懷特神父時(shí)他引薦我加入基督教，他對(duì)我說(shuō)人們有相互友愛(ài)和照顧病弱、扶助貧賤的責(zé)任。他作為一名美國(guó)海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊(duì)成員為國(guó)家服役，他在國(guó)家最好的大學(xué)和神學(xué)院里作研究和上課，他三十多年如一日主持一個(gè)教堂，為社會(huì)做著高尚的工作——收留無(wú)家可歸者，照顧窮困潦倒者，提供日托服務(wù)、獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金和監(jiān)獄服務(wù)，并向艾滋病患者伸出援手。

Inmyfirstbook,DreamsFromMyFather,IdescribedtheexperienceofmyfirstserviceatTrinity:在我的第一本書(shū)《父親的夢(mèng)想》中，我描述了我在三一教堂第一年做義工的經(jīng)歷：

"Peoplebegantoshout,torisefromtheirseatsandclapandcryout,aforcefulwindcarryingthereverend'svoiceupintotherafters....Andinthatsinglenote-hope!-Iheardsomethingelse;atthefootofthatcross,insidethethousandsofchurchesacrossthecity,IimaginedthestoriesofordinaryblackpeoplemergingwiththestoriesofDavidandGoliath,MosesandPharaoh,theChristiansinthelion'sden,Ezekiel'sfieldofdrybones.Thosestories-ofsurvival,andfreedom,andhope-becameourstory,mystory;thebloodthathadspilledwasourblood,thetearsourtears;untilthisblackchurch,onthisbrightday,seemedoncemoreavesselcarryingthestoryofapeopleintofuturegenerationsandintoalargerworld.Ourtrialsandtriumphsbecameatonceuniqueanduniversal,blackandmorethanblack;inchroniclingourjourney,thestoriesandsongsgaveusameanstoreclaimmemoriesthatwedidn'tneedtofeelshameabout...memoriesthatallpeoplemightstudyandcherish-andwithwhichwecouldstarttorebuild."

“一陣大風(fēng)將神父的聲音傳遞到教堂的每個(gè)角落，人們開(kāi)始呼喊，從他們的座位上站起來(lái)、鼓著掌、喊叫著，…并且只有一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的訊息——希望！——我還聽(tīng)到了其他東西；在那個(gè)角落里，在這個(gè)城市成千上萬(wàn)的教堂里，我想象普通黑人融入大衛(wèi)和巨人歌利亞（圣經(jīng)中被牧羊人大衛(wèi)殺死的Philistine腓力斯巨人）、摩西和法老、獅子洞穴里的基督徒、伊齊基爾原野的枯骨的故事。那些有關(guān)生存、自由和希望的故事，變成了我們自己的故事，我的故事；流淌的血液是我們的血液，眼淚是我們的眼淚；在這個(gè)陽(yáng)光明媚的日子，這個(gè)黑人聚集的教堂，再一次作為橋梁將一個(gè)民族的故事匯入未來(lái)的世代和更大的世界。我們的苦難和成功立刻變得獨(dú)特而又普遍，是黑人的而又超越這個(gè)族群；在記錄我們的歷程中，那些故事和歌謠提供給我們不斷回憶過(guò)往而不必羞恥的方法，…有了那些所有民族都該學(xué)習(xí)和珍惜的記憶，我們就能開(kāi)始復(fù)興我們的民族。”ThathasbeenmyexperienceatTrinity.Likeotherpredominantlyblackchurchesacrossthecountry,Trinityembodiestheblackcommunityinitsentirety-thedoctorandthewelfaremom,themodelstudentandtheformergang-banger.Likeotherblackchurches,Trinity'sservicesarefullofraucouslaughterandsometimesbawdyhumor.Theyarefullofdancing,clapping,screamingandshoutingthatmayseemjarringtotheuntrainedear.Thechurchcontainsinfullthekindnessandcruelty,thefierceintelligenceandtheshockingignorance,thestrugglesandsuccesses,theloveandyes,thebitternessandbiasthatmakeuptheblackexperienceinAmerica.這便是我在三一教堂的經(jīng)歷。同那些全國(guó)有重要影響力的黑人聚集的教堂一樣，三一教堂使黑人社區(qū)——醫(yī)生和領(lǐng)取救濟(jì)的母親、模范生和黑社會(huì)成員，連接成一個(gè)整體。跟其他黑人教堂一樣，三一教堂的布道儀式總是充滿沙啞的笑聲，有時(shí)還夾雜色情幽默。他們總是在跳舞、鼓掌、尖叫和大喊，似乎會(huì)嚇到那些不曾見(jiàn)識(shí)過(guò)的人。它容納了善意和殘忍、絕頂聰明和盲目無(wú)知、尚在困境中掙扎的和已經(jīng)功成名就的、愛(ài)和肯定、苦難和偏見(jiàn)這些美國(guó)黑人所經(jīng)歷的一切。

Andthishelpsexplain,perhaps,myrelationshipwithReverendWright.Asimperfectashemaybe,hehasbeenlikefamilytome.Hestrengthenedmyfaith,officiatedmywedding,andbaptizedmychildren.NotonceinmyconversationswithhimhaveIheardhimtalkaboutanyethnicgroupinderogatoryterms,ortreatwhiteswithwhomheinteractedwithanythingbutcourtesyandrespect.Hecontainswithinhimthecontradictions-thegoodandthebad-ofthecommunitythathehasserveddiligentlyforsomanyyears.這或許有助于解釋我和賴特神父的關(guān)聯(lián)。盡管他可能不盡善盡美，但他如同我的親人。他增強(qiáng)了我的信仰，見(jiàn)證了我的婚禮，并給我的孩子施洗禮。在我同他談話時(shí)，我不止一次聽(tīng)到他用貶損的語(yǔ)言談及那些種族團(tuán)體，或是對(duì)那些與他交往的白人畢恭畢敬。他內(nèi)心也滿是對(duì)他長(zhǎng)久以來(lái)孜孜不倦獻(xiàn)身其中的共同體的或善意或惡意的矛盾。

IcannomoredisownhimthanIcandisowntheblackcommunity.IcannomoredisownhimthanIcanmywhitegrandmother-awomanwhohelpedraiseme,awomanwhosacrificedagainandagainforme,awomanwholovesmeasmuchasshelovesanythinginthisworld,butawomanwhoonceconfessedherfearofblackmenwhopassedbyheronthestreet,andwhoonmorethanoneoccasionhasutteredracialorethnicstereotypesthatmademecringe.我不能否認(rèn)他，如同我不能否認(rèn)黑人共同體。我不能否認(rèn)他，如同而不能否認(rèn)我的白人祖母。她養(yǎng)育了我，為了我一次次做出犧牲，愛(ài)我就像她愛(ài)這世界上其他的東西一樣，但她也曾坦言害怕街上那些從她身邊經(jīng)過(guò)的黑人，還不止一次講出讓我畏懼的有關(guān)種族的陳詞濫調(diào)。

Thesepeopleareapartofme.AndtheyareapartofAmerica,thiscountrythatIlove.這些人是我的一部分，他們是美國(guó)的一部分，而這就是我所熱愛(ài)的國(guó)家。

Somewillseethisasanattempttojustifyorexcusecommentsthataresimplyinexcusable.Icanassureyouitisnot.Isupposethepoliticallysafethingwouldbetomoveonfromthisepisodeandjusthopethatitfadesintothewoodwork.WecandismissReverendWrightasacrankorademagogue,justassomehavedismissedGeraldineFerraro,intheaftermathofherrecentstatements,asharboringsomedeep-seatedracialbias.有人會(huì)認(rèn)為這是我為那些不能被饒恕的言論作開(kāi)脫的努力。我向你保證這不是開(kāi)脫責(zé)任。如果圖政治上的安全，我會(huì)忘卻這一插曲繼續(xù)向前走，并希望這些言論會(huì)自生自滅。我們也可以把懷特神父看做瘋子或蠱惑人心的政客對(duì)他不屑一顧，就像有些人在杰拉爾婷·費(fèi)拉羅因最近的言語(yǔ)包含深深的種族歧視而對(duì)她不屑一顧一樣。

ButraceisanissuethatIbelievethisnationcannotaffordtoignorerightnow.WewouldbemakingthesamemistakethatReverendWrightmadeinhisoffendingsermonsaboutAmerica-tosimplifyandstereotypeandamplifythenegativetothepointthatitdistortsreality.但種族是這個(gè)國(guó)家不容再忽視的問(wèn)題。我們?nèi)绻麑?duì)此不屑一顧就會(huì)犯懷特神父同樣的錯(cuò)誤，那就是在他關(guān)于美利堅(jiān)的布道中以簡(jiǎn)單化的、頗具成見(jiàn)的方式放大美國(guó)的負(fù)面，結(jié)果造成對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)的扭曲。

Thefactisthatthecommentsthathavebeenmadeandtheissuesthathavesurfacedoverthelastfewweeksreflectthecomplexitiesofraceinthiscountrythatwe'veneverreallyworkedthrough-apartofourunionthatwehaveyettoperfect.Andifwewalkawaynow,ifwesimplyretreatintoourrespectivecorners,wewillneverbeabletocometogetherandsolvechallengeslikehealthcare,oreducation,ortheneedtofindgoodjobsforeveryAmerican.人們做出的這些評(píng)論和最近幾周日漸顯現(xiàn)的問(wèn)題都反映了這個(gè)國(guó)家的種族問(wèn)題的復(fù)雜性。我們不能完好地解決種族問(wèn)題也意味著我們聯(lián)邦的尚未完善。如果我們對(duì)之視而不見(jiàn)，僅僅撤退到自己的一隅安分守己，我們將不可能團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)并解決類似醫(yī)療、教育或?yàn)槊總€(gè)美國(guó)人提供好工作的需求的難題。

Understandingthisrealityrequiresareminderofhowwearrivedatthispoint.AsWilliamFaulkneroncewrote,"Thepastisn'tdeadandburied.Infact,itisn'tevenpast."Wedonotneedtoreciteherethehistoryofracialinjusticeinthiscountry.ButwedoneedtoremindourselvesthatsomanyofthedisparitiesthatexistintheAfrican-AmericancommunitytodaycanbedirectlytracedtoinequalitiespassedonfromanearliergenerationthatsufferedunderthebrutallegacyofslaveryandJimCrow.要理解這一問(wèn)題，我們需要知道我們是怎樣走過(guò)來(lái)的。威廉·福克納曾說(shuō)過(guò)：“過(guò)往并非僵死而被掩埋掉。事實(shí)上，它從來(lái)不曾過(guò)去?！痹诖宋覀儫o(wú)需重提這個(gè)國(guó)家的種族不平等的歷史。但我們確實(shí)需要銘記于心，那些至今仍存在于非裔族群的諸多的不平等，都能直接追溯到那些由我們的前輩傳遞下來(lái)的不平等，他們?cè)谂`制和黑奴時(shí)代的殘酷制度下備受折磨。

Segregatedschoolswere,andare,inferiorschools;westillhaven'tfixedthem,fiftyyearsafterBrownv.BoardofEducation,andtheinferioreducationtheyprovided,thenandnow,helpsexplainthepervasiveachievementgapbetweentoday'sblackandwhitestudents.種族隔離學(xué)校曾經(jīng)是，現(xiàn)在仍是劣等學(xué)校；在布朗訴教育委員會(huì)案五十年之后，我們還沒(méi)有改進(jìn)它們；從那時(shí)起至今，它們提供的低劣教育有助于解釋今天黑人和白人學(xué)生之間普遍深入的成就差距。

Legalizeddiscrimination-whereblackswereprevented,oftenthroughviolence,fromowningproperty,orloanswerenotgrantedtoAfrican-Americanbusinessowners,orblackhomeownerscouldnotaccessFHAmortgages,orblackswereexcludedfromunions,orthepoliceforce,orfiredepartments-meantthatblackfamiliescouldnotamassanymeaningfulwealthtobequeathtofuturegenerations.Thathistoryhelpsexplainthewealthandincomegapbetweenblackandwhite,andtheconcentratedpocketsofpovertythatpersistsinsomanyoftoday'surbanandruralcommunities.黑人被歧視是受法律保障的，而這種歧視有時(shí)甚至是考暴力維護(hù)的。黑人常常被禁止擁有財(cái)產(chǎn)，黑人企業(yè)往往得不到貸款的貸款，黑人業(yè)主不能獲得聯(lián)邦住房委員會(huì)的抵押貸，黑人常常被禁止參加工會(huì)或在警察署或消防署任職。這一切意味著黑人家庭不可能積攢大量財(cái)富留給他們的后代。這段歷史有助于解釋黑人和白人之間的財(cái)富和收入差距，至今還有眾多居住在城市和鄉(xiāng)村的黑人緊衣縮食，入不敷出。

Alackofeconomicopportunityamongblackmen,andtheshameandfrustrationthatcamefromnotbeingabletoprovideforone'sfamily,contributedtotheerosionofblackfamilies-aproblemthatwelfarepoliciesformanyyearsmayhaveworsened.Andthelackofbasicservicesinsomanyurbanblackneighborhoods-parksforkidstoplayin,policewalkingthebeat,regulargarbagepick-upandbuildingcodeenforcement-allhelpedcreateacycleofviolence,blightandneglectthatcontinuetohauntus.黑人經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì)的匱乏和因無(wú)力負(fù)擔(dān)家庭責(zé)任而帶來(lái)的羞愧和挫敗感，都使黑人家庭的生活處在風(fēng)雨飄搖中，——這一問(wèn)題可能因多年來(lái)的福利政策而更加惡化。在眾多城市黑人社區(qū)缺乏基本的服務(wù)設(shè)施，比如供孩子玩耍的公園、巡邏警、日常的垃圾車和小區(qū)保安等，都導(dǎo)致了長(zhǎng)久困擾我們的暴力—衰落—漠視周而復(fù)始的發(fā)生。ThisistherealityinwhichReverendWrightandotherAfrican-Americansofhisgenerationgrewup.Theycameofageinthelatefiftiesandearlysixties,atimewhensegregationwasstillthelawofthelandandopportunitywassystematicallyconstricted.What'sremarkableisnothowmanyfailedinthefaceofdiscrimination,butratherhowmanymenandwomenovercametheodds;howmanywereabletomakeawayoutofnowayforthoselikemewhowouldcomeafterthem.這便是懷特神父和他那個(gè)時(shí)代的其他非裔美國(guó)人的成長(zhǎng)環(huán)境。他們?cè)?0世紀(jì)50年代后期和60年代早期長(zhǎng)大成人，那時(shí)種族隔離仍是這個(gè)國(guó)家的法律，生存機(jī)會(huì)被合法壓縮。引人注目的不是他們中間有多少人因種族歧視落荒而逃，而是他們中間有很多男男女女能夠跨越藩籬，絕處逢生，創(chuàng)造出奇跡。

ButforallthosewhoscratchedandclawedtheirwaytogetapieceoftheAmericanDream,thereweremanywhodidn'tmakeit-thosewhowereultimatelydefeated,inonewayoranother,bydiscrimination.Thatlegacyofdefeatwaspassedontofuturegenerations-thoseyoungmenandincreasinglyyoungwomenwhoweseestandingonstreetcornersorlanguishinginourprisons,withouthopeorprospectsforthefuture.Evenforthoseblackswhodidmakeit,questionsofrace,andracism,continuetodefinetheirworldviewinfundamentalways.ForthemenandwomenofReverendWright'sgeneration,thememoriesofhumiliationanddoubtandfearhavenotgoneaway;norhastheangerandthebitternessofthoseyears.Thatangermaynotgetexpressedinpublic,infrontofwhiteco-workersorwhitefriends.Butitdoesfindvoiceinthebarbershoporaroundthekitchentable.Attimes,thatangerisexploitedbypoliticians,toginupvotesalongraciallines,ortomakeupforapolitician'sownfailings.然而對(duì)所有艱難地邁向他們自己的美國(guó)夢(mèng)的人而言，很多人沒(méi)有成功，他們因這樣或那樣的原因而被種族歧視徹底打垮。這一挫敗的經(jīng)歷又傳給了他們的下一代，這些年輕男孩和正日漸增多的年輕女孩終日混跡街頭，或在鐵窗里受盡煎熬，沒(méi)有希望和前途。即使是那些黑人中的成功人士，種族和種族歧視的問(wèn)題仍然以致命的方式持續(xù)限制著他們的世界觀。就懷特神父同時(shí)代成長(zhǎng)起來(lái)的黑人男女而言，羞辱、質(zhì)疑和恐懼的記憶尚為時(shí)不遠(yuǎn)；那些歲月里他們的憤怒和痛苦也同樣恍然如昨。他們的憤怒也許并未在公共場(chǎng)合、在白人同事或朋友面前顯露。但它多在在理發(fā)店或餐桌上得到釋放。這種憤怒也時(shí)常為政治家們所利用，蠱惑選民結(jié)成種族陣線，或用以彌補(bǔ)政治家自身的敗績(jī)。

AndoccasionallyitfindsvoiceinthechurchonSundaymorning,inthepulpitandinthepews.ThefactthatsomanypeoplearesurprisedtohearthatangerinsomeofReverendWright'ssermonssimplyremindsusoftheoldtruismthatthemostsegregatedhourinAmericanlifeoccursonSundaymorning.Thatangerisnotalwaysproductive;indeed,alltoooftenitdistractsattentionfromsolvingrealproblems;itkeepsusfromsquarelyfacingourowncomplicityinourcondition,andpreventstheAfrican-Americancommunityfromforgingthealliancesitneedstobringaboutrealchange.Buttheangerisreal;itispowerful;andtosimplywishitaway,tocondemnitwithoutunderstandingitsroots,onlyservestowidenthechasmofmisunderstandingthatexistsbetweentheraces.有時(shí)它也在星期天早上的教堂里、在布道壇和教堂坐席上得到釋放。如此多的人聽(tīng)到懷特神父布道時(shí)感到鎮(zhèn)靜的事實(shí)提醒我們常常聽(tīng)到的一句老生常談：美國(guó)人最為種族隔離的時(shí)候是每個(gè)星期天的早上。黑人的憤怒并不總具積極意義，它確實(shí)在大多數(shù)時(shí)候干擾了急需解決的問(wèn)題，阻止我們面對(duì)我們自己其實(shí)也是目前的狀況產(chǎn)生的原因之一的事實(shí)，阻礙了非裔美國(guó)人社區(qū)形成它所需的能帶來(lái)真正的改變的聯(lián)盟。但這憤怒是真實(shí)的且有巨大的能量，天真地幻想它會(huì)煙消云散，或者對(duì)其根源不加甄別就一味譴責(zé)，只能加深已有的種族間的誤解鴻溝。

Infact,asimilarangerexistswithinsegmentsofthewhitecommunity.Mostworking-andmiddle-classwhiteAmericansdon'tfeelthattheyhavebeenparticularlyprivilegedbytheirrace.Theirexperienceistheimmigrantexperience-asfarasthey'reconcerned,noone'shandedthemanything,they'vebuiltitfromscratch.They'veworkedhardalltheirlives,manytimesonlytoseetheirjobsshippedoverseasortheirpensiondumpedafteralifetimeoflabor.Theyareanxiousabouttheirfutures,andfeeltheirdreamsslippingaway;inaneraofstagnantwagesandglobalcompetition,opportunitycomestobeseenasazerosumgame,inwhichyourdreamscomeatmyexpense.Sowhentheyaretoldtobustheirchildrentoaschoolacrosstown;whentheyhearthatanAfricanAmericanisgettinganadvantageinlandingagoodjoboraspotinagoodcollegebecauseofaninjusticethattheythemselvesnevercommitted;whenthey'retoldthattheirfearsaboutcrimeinurbanneighborhoodsaresomehowprejudiced,resentmentbuildsovertime.實(shí)際上，類似的憤怒情緒在一些白人社區(qū)同樣存在。許多白人工薪階層和中產(chǎn)階級(jí)并不認(rèn)為他們因其人種而受到特別的優(yōu)惠。他們的閱歷是移民的經(jīng)歷，就他們而言，不曾有人賦予他們什么，他們白手起家自己創(chuàng)造了一切。他們終生兢兢業(yè)業(yè)，很多時(shí)候卻眼見(jiàn)屬于他們的工作被轉(zhuǎn)移到海外或他們一生辛勞所積攢的退休金被廢棄。他們對(duì)于自身的未來(lái)惶恐不安，察覺(jué)到他們夢(mèng)想正在消退；在薪水不漲和全球競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的年代，機(jī)會(huì)似乎是零和游戲，你的夢(mèng)想的實(shí)現(xiàn)以我受損為前提。因此當(dāng)有人告訴他們他們的孩子必須乘坐小車去城鎮(zhèn)的另一頭上學(xué)，當(dāng)他們聽(tīng)說(shuō)非裔美國(guó)人因他們自己未曾參與制造的不公正待遇而取得好的工作機(jī)會(huì)或著去好的大學(xué)就讀時(shí)；當(dāng)有人告訴他們他們對(duì)城市犯罪的擔(dān)憂在某種程度上是成見(jiàn)時(shí)，他們厭惡開(kāi)始膨脹。

Liketheangerwithintheblackcommunity,theseresentmentsaren'talwaysexpressedinpolitecompany.Buttheyhavehelpedshapethepoliticallandscapeforatleastageneration.AngeroverwelfareandaffirmativeactionhelpedforgetheReaganCoalition.Politiciansroutinelyexploitedfearsofcrimefortheirownelectoralends.Talkshowhostsandconservativecommentatorsbuiltentirecareersunmaskingbogusclaimsofracismwhiledismissinglegitimatediscussionsofracialinjusticeandinequalityasmerepoliticalcorrectnessorreverseracism.同黑人社區(qū)的憤怒情緒一樣，這些憎恨并不總是以和善的方式表達(dá)出來(lái)。它們實(shí)際上構(gòu)成了一代人的政治環(huán)境。對(duì)社會(huì)福利和防止種族與性別歧視的平權(quán)政策的憤怒促成了里根聯(lián)盟。政治家們?yōu)榱似渥陨淼母?jìng)選目的熟練地利用人們對(duì)犯罪的擔(dān)憂。很多脫口秀主持人和保守黨評(píng)論家們的生涯就是靠揭露種族主義的虛假權(quán)利要求起飛的。與此同時(shí)，他們還將種族不公正和不平等這樣正當(dāng)合理的討論視為只是政治正確或逆向種族歧視而置之不理。

Justasblackangeroftenprovedcounterproductive,sohavethesewhiteresentmentsdistractedattentionfromtherealculpritsofthemiddleclasssqueeze-acorporateculturerifewithinsidedealing,questionableaccountingpractices,andshort-termgreed;aWashingtondominatedbylobbyistsandspecialinterests;economicpoliciesthatfavorthefewoverthemany.Andyet,towishawaytheresentmentsofwhiteAmericans,tolabelthemasmisguidedorevenracist,withoutrecognizingtheyaregroundedinlegitimateconcerns-thistoowidenstheracialdivide,andblocksthepathtounderstanding.

正如同黑人的憤怒情緒常常產(chǎn)生不良后果，白人的憎恨情緒也同樣使人們偏離使中產(chǎn)階級(jí)陷入困境的罪魁禍?zhǔn)住獌?nèi)部交易充斥于整個(gè)企業(yè)文化中，可疑的會(huì)計(jì)操作方式，短期投機(jī)，國(guó)會(huì)游說(shuō)者和特殊利益所主導(dǎo)的政府，服務(wù)于少數(shù)人而不是大多數(shù)人的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策。并且，一廂情愿地希望白人的厭惡煙消云散，不去理解他們的擔(dān)憂也是正當(dāng)?shù)亩侵肛?zé)他們不是偏見(jiàn)太深就是種族主義者也同樣會(huì)加寬種族的隔離，阻礙了人們相互理解。Thisiswherewearerightnow.It'saracialstalematewe'vebeenstuckinforyears.Contrarytotheclaimsofsomeofmycritics,blackandwhite,Ihaveneverbeensonaiveastobelievethatwecangetbeyondourracialdivisionsinasingleelectioncycle,orwithasinglecandidacy-particularlyacandidacyasimperfectasmyown.這便是我們現(xiàn)在所處的方位。它是我們深陷其中許多年的種族僵局。與那些批評(píng)我的黑人和白人評(píng)論員的觀點(diǎn)相反，我從不曾天真到相信單憑一次競(jìng)選巡回，或單靠哪一個(gè)候選人，特別是象我這樣一個(gè)自身并不完美的候選人，就能擺脫我們的種族分裂問(wèn)題。

ButIhaveassertedafirmconviction-aconvictionrootedinmyfaithinGodandmyfaithintheAmericanpeople-thatworkingtogetherwecanmovebeyondsomeofouroldracialwounds,andthatinfactwehavenochoiceifwearetocontinueonthepathofamoreperfectunion.但我持有一個(gè)堅(jiān)定的信念，它植根于我對(duì)上帝和美國(guó)人民的信仰。我相信如果大家一起努力，我們能夠去除我們久已存在的種族傷痛的一部分，并且如果我們想繼續(xù)致力于建立一個(gè)更完美的聯(lián)邦，除了團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)我們別無(wú)選擇。

FortheAfrican-Americancommunity,thatpathmeansembracingtheburdensofourpastwithoutbecomingvictimsofourpast.ItmeanscontinuingtoinsistonafullmeasureofjusticeineveryaspectofAmericanlife.Butitalsomeansbindingourparticulargrievances-forbetterhealthcare,andbetterschools,andbetterjobs-tothelargeraspirationsofallAmericans--thewhitewomanstrugglingtobreaktheglassceiling,thewhitemanwhosebeenlaidoff,theimmigranttryingtofeedhisfamily.Anditmeanstakingfullresponsibilityforownlives-bydemandingmorefromourfathers,andspendingmoretimewithourchildren,andreadingtothem,andteachingthemthatwhiletheymayfacechallengesanddiscriminationintheirownlives,theymustneversuccumbtodespairorcynicism;theymustalwaysbelievethattheycanwritetheirowndestiny.對(duì)非裔美國(guó)人社區(qū)來(lái)說(shuō)，這意味著欣然接受我們的過(guò)往的重?fù)?dān)而不至于成為過(guò)往的犧牲品。它意味著在美國(guó)生活的方方面面繼續(xù)堅(jiān)持完全意義上的公正。但它也意味著把我們的強(qiáng)烈不滿，把我們所要求的更好的醫(yī)療保障、更好的學(xué)校和更好的工作跟美國(guó)人的更大的抱負(fù)結(jié)合起來(lái)。這些美國(guó)人包括那個(gè)艱難追求職位升遷的白人婦女、那個(gè)失了業(yè)的白種男人、那個(gè)努力養(yǎng)家活口的移民。它同時(shí)它意味著我們要對(duì)自己的生活承擔(dān)起完全的職責(zé)：向我們的父親提出更多的要求，空出更多時(shí)間給孩子，給他們講故事，當(dāng)他們?cè)谏钪忻媾R挑戰(zhàn)和歧視時(shí)教會(huì)他們絕不能向絕望或譏諷屈服，讓他們總是堅(jiān)信他們能夠掌控自己的命運(yùn)。

Ironically,thisquintessentiallyAmerican-andyes,conservative-notionofself-helpfoundfrequentexpressioninReverendWright'ssermons.Butwhatmyformerpastortoooftenfailedtounderstandisthatembarkingonaprogramofself-helpalsorequiresabeliefthatsocietycanchange.極具諷刺意味的是，自立這一美國(guó)含義的精髓，并且也是保守的觀念，常常在懷特神父的講道中出現(xiàn)。然而我以前的牧師所不能理解的是發(fā)起自立運(yùn)動(dòng)也得持有社會(huì)能夠進(jìn)行變革的信念。

TheprofoundmistakeofReverendWright'ssermonsisnotthathespokeaboutracisminoursociety.It'sthathespokeasifoursocietywasstatic;asifnoprogresshasbeenmade;asifthiscountry-acountrythathasmadeitpossibleforoneofhisownmemberstorunforthehighestofficeinthelandandbuildacoalitionofwhiteandblack;LatinoandAsian,richandpoor,youngandold--isstillirrevocablyboundtoatragicpast.Butwhatweknow--whatwehaveseen-isthatAmericacanchange.Thatisthetruegeniusofthisnation.Whatwehavealread