自媒體外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)

自媒體外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)自媒體外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)(文檔含英文原文和中文翻譯)JPewResearchCenter'sProjectforExcellenceinJournalism《NewMediaOldMedia》HowBlogsandSocialMediaAgendasRelateandDifferfromtheTraditionalPress.Newstodayisincreasinglyashared,socialexperience.HalfofAmericanssaytheyrelyonthepeoplearoundthemtofindoutatleastsomeofthenewstheyneedtoknow.Some44%ofonlinenewsusersgetnewsatleastafewtimesaweekthroughemails,automaticupdatesorpostsfromsocialnetworkingsites.In2009,Twitter'smonthlyaudienceincreasedby200%.Whilemostoriginalreportingstillcomesfromtraditionaljournalists,technologymakesitincreasinglypossiblefortheactionsofcitizenstoinfluenceastory'stotalimpact.Whattypesofnewsstoriesdoconsumersshareanddiscussthemost?Whatissuesdotheyhavelessinterestin?Whatistheinterplayofthevariousnewmediaplatforms?Andhowdotheiragendascomparewiththatofthemainstreampress?Toanswerthesequestions,thePewResearchCenter'sProjectforExcellenceinJournalismhasgatheredayearofdataonthetopnewsstoriesdiscussedandlinkedtoonblogsandsocialmediapagesandsevenmonths'worthonTwitter.Wealsohaveanalyzedayearofthemostviewednews-relatedvideosonYouTube.Severalcleartrendsemerge.Mostbroadly,thestoriesandissuesthatgaintractioninsocialmediadiffersubstantiallyfromthosethatleadinthemainstreampress.Buttheyalsodiffergreatlyfromeachother.Ofthe29weeksthatwetrackedallthreesocialplatforms,blogs,TwitterandYouTubesharedthesametopstoryjustonce.ThatwastheweekofJune15-19,whentheproteststhatfollowedtheIranianelectionsledonallthree.Eachsocialmediaplatformalsoseemstohaveitsownpersonalityandfunction.Intheyearstudied,bloggersgravitatedtowardstoriesthatelicitedemotion,concernedindividualorgrouprightsortriggeredideologicalpassion.Oftenthesewerestoriesthatpeoplecouldpersonalizeandthenshareinthesocialforum–attimesinhighlypartisanlanguage.Andunlikeinsomeothertypesofmedia,thepartisanshipheredoesnotleanstronglytoonesideortheother.EvenonstoriesliketheTeaPartyprotests,SarahPalinandpublicsupportforObamabothconservativeandliberalvoicescomethroughstrongly.OnTwitter,bycontrast,technologyisamajorfocus–withaheavyprominenceonTwitteritself–whilepoliticsplaysamuchsmallerrole.Themissionisprimarilyaboutpassingalongimportant–oftenbreaking–informationinawaythatunifiesorassumessharedvalueswithintheTwittercommunity.AndthebreakingnewsthattrumpedallelseacrossTwitterin2009focusedontheprotestsfollowingtheIranianelection.ItledasthetopnewsstoryonTwitterforsevenweeksinarow–afeatnotreachedbyanyothernewsstoryonanyoftheplatformsstudied.YouTubehasstillothercharacteristicsthatsetitapart.Here,usersdon'toftenaddcommentsoradditionalinsightsbutinsteadtakepartbyselectingfrommillionsofvideosandsharing.Partlyasaresult,themostwatchedvideoshaveastrongsenseofserendipity.Theypiqueinterestandcuriositywithastrongvisualappeal.The“Heyyou'vegottoseethis,”mentalityringsstrong.Usersalsogravitatetowardamuchbroaderinternationalmixhereasvideostranscendlanguagebarriersinawaythatwrittentextcannot.Acrossallthreesocialplatforms,though,attentionspansarebrief.Justasnewsconsumersdon'tstaylongonanywebsite,socialmediadoesn'tstaylongonanyonestory.Onblogs,53%oftheleadstoriesinagivenweekstayonthelistnomorethanthreedays.OnTwitterthatistrueof72%ofleadstories,andmorethanhalf(52%)areonthelistforjust24hours.Andmostofthosetopweeklystoriesdifferdramaticallyfromwhatisreceivingattentioninthetraditionalpress.BlogsoverlapmorethanTwitter,buteventhereonlyaboutaquarterofthetopstoriesinanygivenweekwerethesameasinthe“MSM.”Instead,socialmediatendtohomeinonstoriesthatgetmuchlessattentioninthemainstreampress.Andthereislittleevidence,atleastatthispoint,ofthetraditionalpressthenpickinguponthosestoriesinresponse.Acrosstheentireyearstudied,justoneparticularstoryorevent–thecontroversyoveremailsrelatingtoglobalresearchthatcametobeknownas“Climate-gate”–becameamajoritemintheblogosphereandthen,aweeklater,gainingmoretractionintraditionalmedia.Thesearesomeconclusionsdrawnfromoneofthefirstcomprehensiveempiricalassessmentsoftherelationshipsbetweensocialmediaandthemoretraditionalpress.ThestudyexaminedtheblogosphereandsocialmediabytrackingthenewslinkedtoonmillionsofblogsandsocialmediapagestrackedbyIcerocketandTechnoratifromJanuary19,2009,throughJanuary15,2010.ItalsotrackedthevideosonYouTube'snewschannelforthesameperiod.ItmeasuredTwitterbytrackingnewsstorieslinkedtowithintweetsasmonitoredbyTweetmemefromJune15,2009,throughJanuary15,2010.Amongthespecificfindings:Socialmediaandthemainstreampressclearlyembracedifferentagendas.Blogssharedthesameleadstorywithtraditionalmediainjust13ofthe49weeksstudied.Twitterwasevenlesslikelytosharethetraditionalmediaagenda–theleadstorymatchedthatofthemainstreampressinjustfourweeksofthe29weeksstudied.OnYouTube,thetopstoriesoverlappedwithtraditionalmediaeightoutof49weeks.Thestoriesthatgaintractioninsocialmediadosoquickly,oftenwithinhoursofinitialreports,andleavequicklyaswell.Just5%ofthetopfivestoriesonTwitterremainedamongthetopstoriesthefollowingweek.Thiswastrueof13%ofthetopstoriesonblogsand9%onYouTube.Inthemainstreampress,ontheotherhand,fully50%ofthetopfivestoriesoneweekremainedatopstoryaweeklater.Politics,somuchafocusofcableandradiotalkprogramming,hasfoundaplaceinblogsandonYouTube.Onblogs,17%ofthetopfivelinked-tostoriesinagivenweekwereaboutUSgovernmentorpolitics,oftenaccompaniedbyemphaticpersonalanalysisorevaluations.ThesetopicswereevenmoreprevalentamongnewsvideosonYouTube,wheretheyaccountedfor21%ofalltopstories.OnTwitter,however,technologystorieswerelinkedtofarmorethananythingelse,accountingfor43%ofthetopfivestoriesinagivenweekand41%oftheleaditems.Bycontrast,technologyfilled1%ofthenewsholeinthemainstreampressduringthesameperiod.Whilesocialmediaplayersespouseadifferentagendathanthemainstreammedia,blogsstillheavilyrelyonthetraditionalpress–andprimarilyjustafewoutletswithinthat–fortheirinformation.Morethan99%ofthestorieslinkedtoinblogscamefromlegacyoutletssuchasnewspapersandbroadcastnetworks.。Andjustfour–theBBC,CNN,theNewYorkTimesandtheWashingtonPostaccountedforfully80%ofalllinks.Twitter,bycontrast,waslesstiedtotraditionalmedia.Herehalf(50%)ofthelinksweretolegacyoutlets;40%wenttoweb-onlynewssourcessuchasMashableandCNET.Theremaining10%wenttowirestoriesornon-newssourcesontheWebsuchasablogknownas“GreenBriefs,”whichsummarizeddailydevelopmentsduringtheJuneprotestsinIran.ThemostpopularnewsvideosonYouTube,meanwhile,stoodoutforhavingabroaderinternationalmix.Aquarter,26%,ofthetopwatchednewsvideoswereofnon-USevents,primarilythosewithastrongvisualappealsuchasrawfootageofPopeBenedictXVIgettingknockedoverduringMassonChristmasEveoraclipofaveteranBraziliannewsanchorgettingcaughtinsultingsomejanitorswithoutrealizinghismicrophonewasstilllive.Celebrityandmedia-focusedvideoswerealsogivensignificantprominence.InproducingPEJ'sNewMediaIndex,thebasisforthisstudy,therearesomechallengesposedbythebreathofpotentialoutlets.Thereareliterallymillionsofblogsandtweetsproducedeachday.Tomakethatprospectmanageable,thestudyobservesthe“news”interestsofthosepeopleutilizingsocialmedia,asclassifiedbythetrackingwebsites.PEJdidnotmakeadeterminationastowhatconstitutesanewsstoryasopposedtosomeothertopic,butgenerally,areasoutsidethetraditionalnotionofnewssuchasgardening,sportsorotherhobbiesarenotinthepurviewofcontent.Byfocusingonthistypeofsubjectmatter,thestudycreatesaclosecomparisonbetweenthenewsagendaofusersofsocialmediaandofthemoretraditionalnewsmedia.Thisapproachcouldtendtomaketheagendasofthemainstreamandnewmediaplatformsappearevenmoresimilarthantheywouldbeifawiderarrayofsubjectmatterwerepracticabletocapture.Thusthedivergentagendasfoundhere,ifanything,areevenmorestriking.新媒體與舊媒體博客和社會(huì)媒體議程的關(guān)系如何不同于傳統(tǒng)的新聞。今天的新聞越來(lái)越多地是共享的，社會(huì)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。一半的美國(guó)人說(shuō)他們依靠他們周圍的人，知道至少他們需要知道的有一些消息。約44%的在線新聞?dòng)脩粢粋€(gè)星期至少有幾次通過(guò)電子郵件，自動(dòng)更新或從社交網(wǎng)站上的公告得到新聞消息。在2009年，Twitter的每月使用者增加了200%。而最原始的報(bào)道仍然來(lái)自傳統(tǒng)的記者，技術(shù)使公民的行為變得越來(lái)越可能影響到報(bào)道的整體。什么類型的新聞報(bào)道消費(fèi)者共享并討論地最多呢？什么問(wèn)題他們比較少的感興趣呢？什么是各種新媒體平臺(tái)的相互作用？其議程設(shè)置與主流媒體相比較又如何呢？為了回答這些問(wèn)題，皮尤研究中心卓越新聞項(xiàng)目已經(jīng)聚集了一年的數(shù)據(jù)，關(guān)于博客和社交媒體網(wǎng)頁(yè)上聯(lián)系和討論的頭條新聞和七個(gè)月的在Twitter上討論的有價(jià)值信息。我們還分析了一年來(lái)YouTube上最受歡迎的與新聞?dòng)嘘P(guān)的視頻。出現(xiàn)幾個(gè)明顯的趨勢(shì)。最廣泛的，社交媒體網(wǎng)頁(yè)上受關(guān)注的新聞報(bào)道和問(wèn)題與主流媒體上的有很大的不同。但他們彼此也有很大的不同。29周以來(lái)，我們跟蹤調(diào)查了所有三個(gè)社交媒體平臺(tái)，博客，Twitter和YouTube，他們只有一次頭條新聞是相同的。這是6月15日-6月19日，抗議伊朗選舉時(shí)，這則新聞都是他們?nèi)齻€(gè)的頭條。每一個(gè)社會(huì)媒體平臺(tái)似乎也有其自己的個(gè)性和功能。經(jīng)過(guò)一年的研究，博客趨向于發(fā)表引起情感的，有關(guān)個(gè)人或群體的權(quán)利的，或引發(fā)思想激情的新聞報(bào)道或故事。往往這些都是些故事，人們可以將其個(gè)性化，然后共享在社會(huì)論壇-有的時(shí)候是高于黨派性的語(yǔ)言。而不像一些其他類型的媒體，黨派之爭(zhēng)在這里不會(huì)強(qiáng)烈而分明地傾向于一黨或者另一黨。甚至像茶黨抗議這樣的事件，薩拉·佩林和奧巴馬的公眾支持者，保守派和自由派的聲音都很強(qiáng)烈。相比之下，在Twitter上，技術(shù)是一大重點(diǎn)-與Twitter本身側(cè)重的重點(diǎn)一樣-而政治發(fā)揮了作用小得多。它的主要任務(wù)是傳遞重要的新聞信息，經(jīng)常是突發(fā)性的大事，信息以這樣的方式傳遞——統(tǒng)一或假設(shè)Twitter的社區(qū)內(nèi)有著共同的價(jià)值觀。2009年里Twitter上勝過(guò)其他一切重大新聞的是集中在伊朗大選后的抗議。它導(dǎo)致了連續(xù)7周在Twitter作為頭條新聞故事-任何平臺(tái)研究上的任何新聞報(bào)道中的未完成的壯舉。YouTube在設(shè)置上仍有它的其他特點(diǎn)。在這里，用戶不經(jīng)常補(bǔ)充意見(jiàn)或額外的見(jiàn)解，而是選擇從數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的視頻中分享其中的一部分?？梢宰鳛椴糠纸Y(jié)果，最受矚目的影片都意外的擁有相同的強(qiáng)烈責(zé)任感。他們用強(qiáng)烈的視覺(jué)吸引力激起興趣和好奇心?！昂伲阋呀?jīng)看到了這一點(diǎn)”心理反應(yīng)強(qiáng)烈。用戶在這里也被吸引走向更廣闊的國(guó)際融合，因?yàn)橐曨l作品能夠逾越文字無(wú)法逾越的語(yǔ)言鴻溝。雖然，所有的三個(gè)社交平臺(tái)，注意力都是短暫的。正如新聞消費(fèi)者不留任何網(wǎng)站，社會(huì)媒體不留任何一個(gè)故事。在博客，53%的頭條新聞在某一周的列表上沒(méi)有超過(guò)三天。在twitter上，這個(gè)數(shù)據(jù)是72%，超過(guò)半數(shù)（52%）頭條新聞在列表上僅僅24小時(shí)。這些每周頭條的大部分與傳統(tǒng)主流媒體上受關(guān)注的新聞?dòng)兄鴳騽⌒缘牟顒e。博客與傳統(tǒng)媒體的重疊遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)twitter，但即使這樣，每周也只有三分之一的頭條與傳統(tǒng)媒體相同。相反，社會(huì)媒體關(guān)注的往往是家中故事，這在主流媒體上的關(guān)注度要小得多。這里幾乎沒(méi)有證據(jù)，至少在這一點(diǎn)上，傳統(tǒng)印刷物會(huì)回應(yīng)性地從這些故事中摘抄一些。在整個(gè)一年的研究中，只有一個(gè)特別的故事或事件-爭(zhēng)議過(guò)電子郵件與全球性的研究，后來(lái)被稱為“氣候門”-在博客中成為一個(gè)備受關(guān)注的熱點(diǎn)，然后，一個(gè)星期后，在傳統(tǒng)媒體中獲得了更多的關(guān)注。這些都是從第一個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)社交媒體和傳統(tǒng)媒體之間的關(guān)系的綜合實(shí)證評(píng)估中得出的一些結(jié)論。研究通過(guò)Icerocket和Technorati跟蹤調(diào)查2009年1月19日到2010年1月15日間百萬(wàn)計(jì)的博客和網(wǎng)絡(luò)社交媒介網(wǎng)頁(yè)上的新聞鏈接來(lái)檢驗(yàn)博客和社交媒介。他們同時(shí)跟蹤同一時(shí)間階段YouTube上的新聞?lì)l道。他們衡量twitter通過(guò)跟蹤2009年6月15日到2010年1月15日間的新聞報(bào)道。其中的具體結(jié)果：社交媒體和主流媒體清楚地?fù)碛胁煌淖h程