服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)

1、服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)(文檔含英文原文和中文翻譯) sA brief review of the literature on the social psychology of clothingreveals that young women are more frequently research participants thanmen . This may be because women far outnumber men in majoring inclothing design and apparel merchandising and thus are more easil

2、yaccessible as research participants than men. Regardless of why clothingresearch includes more women as research participants, this focus onwomen has resulted in a dearth of research on young men. In support ofthis, Reilly and Rudd (2007) report that research has investigated mensclothing preferenc

3、es and habits to a lesser extent than womens. mensideas about fashion and its importance in their lives have been overlooked.Despite the limited research on young men, consumer groups comprised服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)of college men are important to commercial marketers in terms ofexpenditure in s apparel and

4、 accessories. According to Statista, in2012 the expenditure on s clothing goods in the United States was$22.2 billion. Men purchased footwear the most, followed by shirts andsuits. Prior research has also shown that s interest in fashion is on therise, leading to an increase in s apparel sales .Hist

5、orically, women have been much more conscious about theirappearance than men, but in recent times there appears to have been achange in this level of focus on appearance among men. Specifically,young men in Generation Y who have been socialized by mass media andmarketing activities have become appea

6、rance conscious, which leads toapparel consumption (Kacen 2000; Patterson and Elliot 2002). Youngmen usually use dress to communicate their identities (Shete 2012), andtheir aspirations toward communicating this may influence their apparelconsumption (Kang et al. 2011). Understanding the relationshi

7、p betweencollege-aged s identities and their clothing choices provides apparelmarketers with useful information to develop effective strategies toproduce and market clothes in accordance with the common values withwhich this group strives to identify.According to Hogg and Banister (2001), individual

8、s can either havea positive reference point (i.e., desired end state) or a negative referencepoint (i.e., undesired end state) that they use to achieve their desired服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)identities. So far, much research has been conducted on the positiveaspects of consumers consumptionchoice. A lack of re

9、search into thenegative aspects of consumption choice motivated us to question theirimpact on consumer behavior. Consumers avoidance behavior allowsthem to create further distance between themselves and their undesiredidentities (Hogg and Banister 2001), staying within the threshold of theirdesired

10、identities. Thus, this research focuses on the clothing and stylethat college men avoid. An exploratory study was conducted on menattending a major midwestern university. On the basis of the results of theexploratory study, research interview questions for any further studieswill be modified to addr

11、ess the research problem appropriately.The purpose of the exploratory study was to investigate whatclothing college men prefer, what identities they achieve through theirclothing, and what they want to avoid in their clothing choices. Ourresearch questions were as follows: (1) Does college-aged mens

12、 clothingreflect their identities and what do they want to express through theirclothing choices? and (2) What undesired identities (related to aspects ofan avoided self) do college-aged men avoid in their clothing choices?Literature reviewSocial identity theorySocial identity theory as conceptualiz

13、ed by Tajfel and Turner (1979)refers to perceived identity of the groups to which people belong服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)(Tajfel 1982). Social identity theory posits that a persons self-concept isbased on his or her group membership. This theory consists of twodimensions: social identity and personal identity

14、(Howard 2000;Tajfel 1982). Social identity reflects membership in various social groups(e.g., clubs, social class), and personal identity represents the uniqueattributes that differentiate one person from another (Howard 2000;Tajfel 1982). In complex social environments, young people can use theirid

15、entification with in-groups (i.e., their own group) versus out-groups (i.e.,other groups) (Ogilvie 1987) to align their appearance (i.e., the total andcomposite image created by clothing) with a desired social group and todifferentiate themselves from the undesired, or avoidance, referencegroup (Ban

16、ister and Hogg 2004). Thus, social identities provide status toyoung men and enhance their self-esteem.Research has used social identity theory to investigate the effects ofmens identities on the use of dress (i.e., all material objects added tobody). For example, Kang et al. (2011) used social iden

17、tity theory as atheoretical framework to investigate the relationship between youngprofessional s perceptions of work identity and their use of dress.They found that the young men who felt incomplete in their work identityused dress as a symbol to construct their identities. Thus, in this study, weu

18、sed social identity theory as a theoretical foundation to examine therelationship between college s identities and their clothing choices.服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)Mens identities with fashionAccording to Kratz and Reimer (1998), fashion is filled withmeanings and symbols, through which people can visually com

19、municatewith one another in a rapid and direct manner. Fashion enables people toexpress their views about themselves and their identities through the useof clothing; it allows them to visually communicate who they are, whothey want to be, what type of social group they want to belong to, andwhom the

20、y do not want to be associated with the most (Shete 2012).Furthermore, Bennett (2005) states that fashion is one of the channelsthrough which people can most readily give voice to their identities.Beyond words, people can convey themselves through dress and fashion,thus creating their social identit

21、y. Fashions essential role in providingpeople with means to build, shape, and communicate their identities isespecially prominent in larger metropolitan cities where they “minglewith crowds of strangers and have only fleeting moments to impressthem” (Bennett2005, p 96).Men identify themselves throug

22、h various ways. For example, somemen may identify themselves through their body appearance, while othersmay show their identities by the way they dress; Hathcote and Kim (2008)note that men represent themselves through how they dress. Moreover,many men care about what they wear and how they wear it

23、on a dailybasis and also care about how others perceive them. As part of campus服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)society, college students also spend time on how they dress. Some malestudents prefer wearing sweatpants or baggy basketball shorts at school,while others prefer wearing polo shirts and casual pants. The wa

24、y malecollege students choose their outfits for school represents their differentpersonalities and identities. For example, some male students wearathletic clothing to show off their masculinity. This is consistent withLunceford , p. 66), who argues that “male students choose a specificarticle of cl

25、othing because of how it makes them feel or because itdownplays what they consider to be unattractive aspects of their bodieswhile accentuating their best features.”Researchers have conducted studies related to the importance ofclothing and fashion for identity creation and communication. Forexample

26、, Piacentini and Mailer (2004) found that young people in theUnited Kingdom tended to use clothing to show similarity betweenthemselves and the groups they wished to be identified with, and as achannel to establish potential friendships. Schofield and Schmidt (2005)examined the importance of clothes

27、 used in constructing andcommunicating gay mens personal nd group identities with a sample ofManchester-based respondents. They shaped individual gay identitythrough different levels (i.e., community level, neo-tribal level, andsituational level) and found that gay identity emerged through clothingc

28、hoices. In their study, gay identity is shared on a gay community level to服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)express “gayness” to others; on a tribal level to show “belonging” toa social gay cohort with shared experience and emotions; and on asituational level to make themselves blend in with wherever they are(Schofiel

29、d and Schmidt 2005).As mentioned previously, young people in complex socialenvironments can use their identification with in-groups versusout-groups (Ogilvie 1987) to align their appearance with a desired socialgroup, and to differentiate themselves from the undesired, or avoidance,reference group (

30、Banister and Hogg 2004). In their study of a sample ofBritish consumers, Banister and Hogg (2004) found that many consumerswore safe clothing items (e.g., simple clothes, which would be interpretedpositively) to avoid censure rather than risky items. If such fears of follyand negative attention are

31、present in male consumers, certaincommonalities among them can be identified. Eisler and Skidmore (1987)proposed that s gender-role expectations contributed to fears aboutlack of athleticism, emotional intimacy, intimacy with other men (orhomophobia), and failure. If the feminine, unathletic, impote

32、nt man isrepresentative of perceived undesirability among men, symbolicidentifiers of those traits can be indicative of young mens labeling ofavoidance reference groups and the “avoided self.” Thus, mens fashionconservatism (i.e., dressing in a masculine way according to social norms)could be partia

33、lly attributed to the generalized fear of appearing服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)“feminine” (Kimmel1994).Aversion to alternative stylesThe aversion to alternative styles was accompanied by severalrationales. One respondent said he avoided skinny jeans (often associatedwith “skater” and “emo” culture) simply “for c

34、omfort.” Anotherrespondent avoided dark and alternative styles to “avoid negativestigmas” and possible associations with low gence related to groupthink. However, the majority of the respondents who said they avoidalternative styles were unable to explain their aversion. Mentions ofdislike of altern

35、ative clothing were often supplied first and with littlehesitation, suggesting that this is a somewhat automatic and markeddislike for those respondents.One respondent said he avoids wearing black and looking gothicbecause his friends do not wear those styles, suggesting a fear ofostracism when wear

36、ing alternative clothing. In a similar vein, onerespondent included that he “doesnt want to lead people to believe he isdark.” A 23-year-old Caucasian respondent, when asked if he avoided anystyles of clothing, said: “Gothic stuff for sure, dark clothing or Hot Topicstuff. I t want to be associated

37、with them and I hate the people thatwear that stuff, like spiked belts.” This type of sentiment occurred almostexclusively among Caucasian respondents from middle- andupper-middle-class backgrounds. The fear of social scrutiny and服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)ostracism, along with a general stigma regarding altern

38、ative andcounter-culture, appears to be the most common motivation for avoidingalternative styles.Aversion to gangster stylesGangster styles were mentioned often, and responses often indicatedsocial and racial prejudices, in addition to the fear of social judgment.Many respondents associated “big” a

39、nd “baggy” clothing with gangsterstyle. Race emerged as a definite component of this aversion. All but oneof the respondents who listed gangster style as an avoided style identifiedas Caucasian. One respondent directly indicted his aversion to wearingclothes “a black person would wear,” suggesting t

40、hat affiliation with theAfrican American culture would be undesirable. Other variants includedan aversion to “swag gear” and “thug style.” Another respondent evenused a variant of a racial slur to express his avoidance ofgangster-inflected styles. The respondents supplied little additionaljustificat

41、ion for avoiding this style, and when asked to expound on theirpreference, three claimed that they were unable to provide furtherinformation.Aversion to gay stylesThree respondents expressed avoiding clothing that could beregarded as “gay.” The wearing of skinny jeans, jean shorts, -neck shirts,or c

42、ardigans was perceived as indicative of homosexuality, according to服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)the interview data. The inclusion of these items of clothing specificallyindicates an association of form-fitting clothing and low necklines witheffeminacy and gay culture. Respondents expressed a desire to representth

43、emselves accurately, and those who claimed to avoid gay-inflectedclothing suggested that it was undesirable on the grounds that (1) theydisliked gay culture, (2) they wanted to express their heterosexuality, and(3) they wanted to avoid speculation from others that they werehomosexual. In this regard

44、, homophobic sentiments, a desire for accurateself-representation, and a fear of social judgment all seemed to becomponents of these respondents desire to avoid clothing perceived asbeing worn by gay men. Another respondent said that he refused to wearany clothing from the “womens section,” and thou

45、gh this does notnecessary relate to the avoidance of gay style, it does represent anoften-related fear of gender-role deviation. Thus, an avoided self andavoidance behavior were important factors in clothing choice, supportingearlier findings from Hogg and Banisters (2001) study in which dislikesand

46、 distastes of college men were associated with negative symbolicconsumption. This sentiment is demonstrated by another respondentsnotion that said, “you know that there are certain things that you dontwant to buy because you t want to project yourself in a negativeway.” They proposed that a greater

47、understanding of the impact ofnegative symbolic consumption on consumers product rejection could服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)help the development of companies marketing communicationstrategies.Cultural background and the avoided selfDemographics indicated different trends in responses amongrespondents. The four C

48、hinese men who participated were largely unableto produce responses regarding avoided clothing and styles. One of theserespondents saidhe only avoids clothing that is “too colorful orfashionable” because “it is not his style.” Another said he only avoids“hip-hop clothing” because it does not match h

49、is serious personality. Theother two respondents said that there were no types of clothing or stylesthey avoided. These sentiments contrast greatly with the responses fromAmerican students, all but one of whom listed one or several types ofavoided clothing and styles.Furthermore, the brief elaborati

50、ons the Chinese students suppliedregarding the reason they avoid clothing related to issues of personalidentity, with no mention of social or cultural motivations for doing so.This indicates that the avoidance of styles due to fears of socialcastigation and negative group associations could hold as

51、a phenomenonmore prevalent in the United States than in China.The college-aged men in this study expressed a desire for clothingthat is comfortable, gives them confidence, and meets the expectations oftheir surroundings. These men recognized that their clothing was one服裝設(shè)計(jì)中英文對(duì)照外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)representation of their identities. Thus, the results suggest that collegemen are driven largely by a desire for comfort and to meet normativeexpectations. These findings are supported by