補(bǔ)貼的競爭—畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯

1、外文翻譯原文：Private Provision of Rural Infrastructure Services:Competing for SubsidiesBy Bjrn Wellenius, Vivien Foster, and Christina Malmberg-CalvoThree billion people live in rural areas worldwide and many lack communication, electricity, water, sanitation, and transportation services that are deemed e

2、ssential for economic development and directly impact the quality of life. Monopoly provision ,inmost countries by the public sector, often leads to high investment and running costs,weak operation and maintenance,and limited responsiveness to local needs.Marketdistortions,government intervention,an

3、d hidden subsidies fail to promote efficient use ofresources to meet social objectives,effectively target the poor,account for costs andbenefits,or reduce dependence on subsidies.Market-oriented economic reforms have opened the way to more effective solutions forinfrastructure services based on priv

4、ate sector provision,cost recovery through tariffs,increasingly competitive markets,and regulation where sufficient competition does notmaterialize.These reforms aim at accelerating service growth and innovation,makingproduction more efficient,and increasing responsiveness to differing user needs an

5、d payment capabilities.Gaps typically remain,however,between what service providers are prepared to dosolely on commercial grounds and what governments consider necessary from broaderdevelopment perspectives.Many rural areas and,to a lesser extent,low-income urbanareas,continue to be excluded.Subsid

6、ies may be justified to narrow these gaps.Loosely speaking,a subsidy exists whenthe costs incurred in supplying a service are not fully recovered from the revenues raisedby selling this service,the difference being met by other customers in the same or relatedindustries or by governments(Waddams Pri

7、ce 2000).The economic rationale forsubsidy is based on the existence of consumption and production externalities,networkexternalities,and scale economies.Also,access to these services at affordable prices isconsidered essential to enable the rural population to participate equitably and effectivelyi

8、n a modern society(Serra 2000).Rural subsidy practicesIn the context of market-oriented economic policies, subsidies for rural infrastructureservices aim at developing sustainable markets for the private provision of these services.Subsidies are designed to turn socially desirable investments that a

9、re not profitable bythemselves into commercially viable undertakings. Projects that are not demonstrablygood for society at large or are unlikely to ever stand on their own do not justify subsidysupport and are seldom undertaken.Good subsidy practice commits all participants to contribute to financi

10、ng the provision of services:Service providers invest and risk their own resources to set up the facilities andprovide the services during a given time under specified conditions.Government subsidies help service providers meet some investment and start-upcosts. Subsidies are designed to reduce acce

11、ss barriers to which low-income groupsare especially sensitive, such as initial connection, equipment, or installation charges.Customers pay for the use of services at least as much as is needed to meet operatingand maintenance costs. Where domestic installations are involved, customers are alsorequ

12、ired to pay part of the investment cost, as a confirmation of economic demand forservice and commitment to pay for service use. Consumption is subsidized onlyexceptionally and limited to small amounts of service regarded as essential.The design of subsidies is closely tied to the available service d

13、elivery mechanisms.Subsidies are channeled through the service supply chain in ways that aim at beingneutral with respect to competition among service providers, service alternatives, and technologies.Water supplyPotable water and, to a lesser extent, sanitation services, are often a priority for ru

14、ralcommunities. Willingness to pay for improved services depends on the distance to, andquality of, existing sources of water and sanitation facilities, as well as the consumersperceptions of the health threats of unimproved services. Solutions to improved watersupplies in rural areas are almost alw

15、ays localized, the water supply (be it ground orsurface water) and its treatment and distribution being provided in each community as astand-alone system. Network solutions only make economic sense in areas where watersources are scarce or expensive, or where communities are close to one another. Fo

16、r eachwater technology there are also service level options, which can range from sharedfacilities (public stand posts or community hand pumps) to house connections (individualhand pump, yard tap, or in-house plumbing). For sanitation services the choice oftechnology and service level depends on pop

17、ulation size and concentration, water servicelevel and consumption rates, and soil permeability. For most rural areas in developingcountries, the appropriate solution will be an on-site sanitation system (latrine or septictank). Piped sewer and wastewater treatment systems are sometimes installed in

18、 largercommunities, but costs are high.After years of struggling to achieve sustainable rural water systems scattered incommunities across the rural landscape, most countries have now shifted from centralizedsupply-driven service provision models to decentralized demand-responsive ones. Ruralwater s

19、ystems are often financed and constructed through programs managed byspecialized national or regional agencies, and then handed over to be operated andmaintained by community-based organizations, such as water committees andcooperatives.14 Community-based organizations have done well managing the da

20、y-to-dayoperations of simple water and sanitation systems, although they often operate on verytenuous financial grounds and are unable to accumulate savings or develop the technicalcapacity to undertake major repairs or system expansions. Countries are now looking fornew models of sustainable rural

21、water systems, increasingly turning to the private sectorto help run existing services through management contracts, leases, and concessions.There are recent cases of applying competition among firms for subsidized concessionsto provide new connections and upgrade existing systems.In Paraguay the ta

22、rget is to provide piped water service to about 2.0 million people inrural areas, reaching 85 percent population coverage by 2010. During a pilot project, thenational agency responsible for service provision (SENASA) invited competitive bids fora 10-year exclusive concession to design, build, and op

23、erate water supply systems in foursmall towns with a combined population of about 12,000. The concessionaire receives aone-time subsidy of $150 per completed connection. Prior to bidding the tariff was fixedat $5.26 per month for unmetered connections and at $3.95 per month for the first 12 m3plus $

24、0.53 per additional m3 for metered connections, subject to periodic adjustmentsfollowing a formula. Design and service standards (water quality, continuity, pressure)were also set upfront. The concession was awarded to a consortium of constructioncontractors and a local water system operator that bi

25、d to charge the lowest connection feeto users ($62). Three bilateral contracts among SENASA, the communities, and thecontractor-operator tie all parties into the project.15 As of August 2003, two of the foursystems had been completed and were in operation.16 A second tender was underpreparation for

26、a larger, multi-community concession in Nanawa, Puerto Falcn, andBeteretecue near Asuncin, expected to serve 7,600 users. In this second pilot, the tariffand the connection charges have been agreed in advance with participating communities.The one-time subsidy required by bidders will be used as the

27、 bidding variable (Dreesetal. 2001).In Colombia, construction companies are invited to bid for contracts to build and operatewater and sewerage systems for 10 to 15 years in about 25 small municipalities with lessthan 12,000 inhabitants. These contracts are awarded to the bidders that request thelow

28、est one-time subsidy for investment. Investments are expected to be in the range of$0.5-1.0 m per municipality. Subsidies cover about 70 percent of investment, averagingabout $300 per connection or $60 per person served. Only municipalities that agree totariffs meeting at least operating and mainten

29、ance costs are eligible to participate.Contracts are signed between the constructor-operator companies and the municipalities,13the latter being responsible for supervision (which may be subcontracted, for example toan external auditor) and enforcement. The proportion of households connected to pipe

30、dwater is expected to increase in 2 to 5 years (varying among municipalities) from lessthan 60 percent to over 90 percent, and the proportion connected to public seweragesystems from less than 30 percent to over 75 percent (World Bank 2001). A pilot projectin the town of Nataga achieved 100 percent

31、water coverage (up from 70 percent), 100percent sewerage coverage (up from 50 percent), and 24 hours/day continuity of watersupply (up from 2 hours/day) within two years of signing the contract.(over)Source:World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3365, August 2004譯文：農(nóng)村公共基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施服務(wù)的私人供給：補(bǔ)貼的競爭 作者：比約韋勒紐斯，

32、福斯特，卡沃爾 世界上有多達(dá)30億的人口住在農(nóng)村地區(qū)，而大部分地區(qū)都缺少通訊，電力，飲水，衛(wèi)生設(shè)備和交通等服務(wù)。這些都是經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展所必不可少的，它們直接影響人們的生活質(zhì)量。在很多國家這些供給都由公共部門壟斷，這樣的供給往往是高投資，低回報(bào)，運(yùn)營水平低和維護(hù)不及時，并且對當(dāng)?shù)匦枨蟮淖兓磻?yīng)也不及時。市場規(guī)避，政府介入，還有隱性的補(bǔ)貼，這些都難以對資源形成有效的利用，從而不能滿足社會需求；不能對窮人進(jìn)行專門補(bǔ)貼；不能說清成本與收益或者減低對補(bǔ)貼的依賴。 市場導(dǎo)向的經(jīng)濟(jì)改革已經(jīng)向能夠更加有效的供給基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施服務(wù)的方案敞開大門。這些改革建立在競爭日漸激烈的市場和沒有具體化的充分競爭的市場規(guī)章的基礎(chǔ)上，通過

33、稅收制度來回收成本。這些改革旨在加速服務(wù)增長和創(chuàng)新，使產(chǎn)品供給更加有效，提高對不同用戶的需求和支付能力的反應(yīng)速度。 但是，服務(wù)供給者只準(zhǔn)備在商業(yè)范圍內(nèi)供給服務(wù)，這和政府?dāng)U大供給范圍的愿景之間存在差距。很多農(nóng)村地區(qū)，或者退一步講，低收入的農(nóng)村地區(qū)，仍然沒被包括在內(nèi)。 補(bǔ)貼也許能被證明是縮小差距的正確手段。寬泛的講，當(dāng)供給服務(wù)的成本小于收入時，補(bǔ)貼就會發(fā)生。差額由政府或用戶以及其他企業(yè)支付。補(bǔ)貼的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理是建立在消費(fèi)和產(chǎn)品外在性，網(wǎng)絡(luò)外在性，和規(guī)模經(jīng)濟(jì)的基礎(chǔ)上的。在可接受的價格范圍內(nèi)獲得這些服務(wù)被認(rèn)為是能夠讓農(nóng)村地區(qū)人們公平有效的加入現(xiàn)代社會的必要條件。農(nóng)村地區(qū)補(bǔ)貼實(shí)踐： 在市場導(dǎo)向的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策大

34、背景下，對農(nóng)村地區(qū)公共基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的補(bǔ)貼旨在發(fā)展私人供給服務(wù)的市場。補(bǔ)貼被設(shè)計(jì)成能夠使在商業(yè)方面上的不盈利的投在轉(zhuǎn)到社會需求投資上來。大致上不確定對社會有用或者很可能跟原來政策方向不一樣的計(jì)劃很難被繼續(xù)實(shí)施： 1、好的補(bǔ)貼實(shí)踐能讓參與方都對服務(wù)供應(yīng)商提供經(jīng)濟(jì)支持：服務(wù)提供者為自己的資金投資而承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，建立一些基本的設(shè)施，并在一定條件下在給定時間內(nèi)提供服務(wù)。 2、政府幫助服務(wù)提供者具備充足的投資啟動資金。補(bǔ)貼被用來減少低收入群體特別是敏感群體的進(jìn)入壁壘，比如，初始連接，裝備，設(shè)施收費(fèi)。對顧客的收費(fèi)能夠至少彌補(bǔ)日常運(yùn)營與維護(hù)成本。 3、與顧客關(guān)系密切的家庭設(shè)施，顧客需要支付一部分投資成本，彌補(bǔ)服務(wù)的投

35、入成本以及服務(wù)的使用成本。只對例外的和必要的小額消費(fèi)進(jìn)行補(bǔ)貼。 補(bǔ)貼的設(shè)置與可取的服務(wù)輸送機(jī)制緊密聯(lián)系在一起。補(bǔ)貼通過服務(wù)供應(yīng)鏈流轉(zhuǎn)。補(bǔ)貼會通過各種方式發(fā)放給服務(wù)供應(yīng)商。飲水供給： 飲用水，或者退一步說，衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)服務(wù)，在農(nóng)村地區(qū)經(jīng)常是優(yōu)先得到的。為改良的服務(wù)付費(fèi)的意愿隨服務(wù)距離和服務(wù)質(zhì)量，水質(zhì)，衛(wèi)生設(shè)備，還有顧客的健康觀念而定。農(nóng)村地區(qū)改良用水的解決方案經(jīng)常具有地方特色，水處理和輸送服務(wù)常被作為是一個該地區(qū)的突出系統(tǒng)。在水資源稀缺或者社區(qū)相聚較近的地區(qū)，聯(lián)網(wǎng)解決方案具有經(jīng)濟(jì)意義。不同的產(chǎn)水技術(shù)有與其相應(yīng)的服務(wù)水平選項(xiàng)，這些選項(xiàng)范圍從共用設(shè)施到家庭終端等。衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)的服務(wù)水平與技術(shù)選擇則根據(jù)人口規(guī)模與衛(wèi)生要求程